luthers music heralds the reformation **
The singing of Lutheran hymns became popular and soon the common people were singing them in all the town churches. (Note: The above image is of the first printed Lutheran Hymnbook called the Achtliederbuch from 1524)
The first one to teach Lutheran ideas was the Augustinian John Vogt and he in turn influenced others – both Augustinians and Franciscans. The reaction to this from the hierarchy was slow. Luther had sent a copy of his 95 Theses to Cardinal Albert, but the Cardinal himself had not read any of Luther’s writings. When, however, he sensed the possibility of heresy brewing in the city, with new Lutheran ideas being shared, he decided to act. He dismissed the Cathedral preacher and put pressure on the leaders of orders who were thought to be preaching a reformed gospel. Very few parishes, however, were initially converted to the new doctrine, as all appointments to the city churches were controlled by the Cathedral. According to Brandt, the City Churches remained orthodox even after the rise of the Reformation. It was the lower clergy and monastic leaders who were more attracted to the new teachings. While all of these were faithful and loyal Catholics who defended the church, they became convinced of the validity of Lutheran teachings and shared them in their monasteries.
** For much of the foregoing account of the early Reformation in Magdeburg I am indebted to the work of Charles Dwaine Brandt PhD of Oregon and his unpublished PhD thesis of 1974 for the University of Washington called The City of Magdeburg before and after the Reformation. I am very indebted to Mr. Brandt and his son Tim for loaning this scholarly work.
The first one to teach Lutheran ideas was the Augustinian John Vogt and he in turn influenced others – both Augustinians and Franciscans. The reaction to this from the hierarchy was slow. Luther had sent a copy of his 95 Theses to Cardinal Albert, but the Cardinal himself had not read any of Luther’s writings. When, however, he sensed the possibility of heresy brewing in the city, with new Lutheran ideas being shared, he decided to act. He dismissed the Cathedral preacher and put pressure on the leaders of orders who were thought to be preaching a reformed gospel. Very few parishes, however, were initially converted to the new doctrine, as all appointments to the city churches were controlled by the Cathedral. According to Brandt, the City Churches remained orthodox even after the rise of the Reformation. It was the lower clergy and monastic leaders who were more attracted to the new teachings. While all of these were faithful and loyal Catholics who defended the church, they became convinced of the validity of Lutheran teachings and shared them in their monasteries.
** For much of the foregoing account of the early Reformation in Magdeburg I am indebted to the work of Charles Dwaine Brandt PhD of Oregon and his unpublished PhD thesis of 1974 for the University of Washington called The City of Magdeburg before and after the Reformation. I am very indebted to Mr. Brandt and his son Tim for loaning this scholarly work.
Fr. john fritzhans Franciscan: early lutheran preacher
1527 Publication of writing of Johannes Fritzhans
One of the most prominent was a priest Fr. John Fritzhans of the Franciscan Order. He was a man of deep faith and education and a sincere loyal member of Church and his community. He gradually became convinced of the validity of the Lutheran cause and expressed his teaching and ideas in his sermons in the Friary. For this, he was forced to leave the community. The Archbishop and the Council were becoming increasingly concerned about heretical teaching in the city. Fritzhans fled to Wittenberg where he started to write tracts for Magdeburg. Free from restraint, either from his order or from the Archbishop, he criticized both the Church and the City. He felt most aggrieved by what he saw was the ‘seduction and abuse’ of the common citizen of Magdeburg. He wrote:
‘How terribly we have preached to the common man: we have given him the legends of the saints, Aquinas, Scotus and Aristotle and we have confused his conscience: we have never taught the comforting Holy Gospel to the people’.
He concluded by saying that what he taught in the cloister before leaving Magdeburg was ‘the pure word and truth of the Gospel’. [1] He attacked the virtues of monks of poverty, obedience and celibacy saying that none of these ordinances were to be found in the scriptures. Neither councils, nor Pope, nor the Fathers of the Church could answer such issues. Frizhans declared the only answer was the Word of God: ‘He who is of God hears God’s word’.[2] The style and content of Fritzhans tracts appealed to the common man in Magdeburg, and, after his return to the city in 1524, the people of the city encouraged him to lead of the Reform movement. The congregation of the Holy Spirit installed him as their pastor on July 28, 1524.
[1] Brandt, Magdeburg Reformation, 150 ref. Johann: Fritzhans an ein Erben, Lv., 8 verso
[2] Brandt Reformation, 151
‘How terribly we have preached to the common man: we have given him the legends of the saints, Aquinas, Scotus and Aristotle and we have confused his conscience: we have never taught the comforting Holy Gospel to the people’.
He concluded by saying that what he taught in the cloister before leaving Magdeburg was ‘the pure word and truth of the Gospel’. [1] He attacked the virtues of monks of poverty, obedience and celibacy saying that none of these ordinances were to be found in the scriptures. Neither councils, nor Pope, nor the Fathers of the Church could answer such issues. Frizhans declared the only answer was the Word of God: ‘He who is of God hears God’s word’.[2] The style and content of Fritzhans tracts appealed to the common man in Magdeburg, and, after his return to the city in 1524, the people of the city encouraged him to lead of the Reform movement. The congregation of the Holy Spirit installed him as their pastor on July 28, 1524.
[1] Brandt, Magdeburg Reformation, 150 ref. Johann: Fritzhans an ein Erben, Lv., 8 verso
[2] Brandt Reformation, 151
luther invited to magdeburg
Altar of Waloon Church - formerly Augustinian Monastery in Magdeburg where Luther preached
The Council started having a more balanced attitude to the reform movement seeing its popularity with the citizenry. This led to other ‘refugee’ clergy arriving and settling in Magdeburg. They soon made their collective presence felt when they organized a meeting for all parish representatives to be held the Augustinian Friary on May 22, 1524. At the meeting they created a list of various reforms they were seeking including: the celebration of the Liturgy - with communion under both kinds-, the ownership of the City cloisters, the opportunity of Monks and Religious sisters to leave their monasteries and convents to marry, and for church finances to be centralized in a common treasury out of which all church workers would be paid. These ideas were all then presented to the city. In the light of this, it was not long before the Mayor of Magdeburg, Nicolas Sturm, who had been converted to Lutheran Doctrine, privately decided to go to Wittenberg and to invite Luther to come to Magdeburg in person. Luther accepted the invitation and made a great impression on the people, staying and preaching to overflowing crowds at the Augustinian Monastery and then at the larger St John’s. Luther left the city under armed guard as he was still regarded as both a heretic and an outlaw at the Diet of Worms. The city however seemed ready to commit themselves to the Christian path he had outlined and the newer way of celebrating the Eucharist was adopted. The radical nature of all that was being promoted was not unopposed and there were the beginning of signs of division.
refugee clergy come to magdeburg
One new Lutheran preacher, the run-away monk John Grauert from Helmstedt proved very popular with the common people. However, the Cathedral viewed him as being a heretic and a teacher of political sedition and accused him of encouraging his listeners both to spill blood in defense of the gospel and to expel all religious and monks from the city. Such teaching was so radical, that after one of his sermons, ordinary laborers entered several Roman chapels, destroying property and desecrating relics. In contrast, another refugee to the city was Dr Eberhard Weidensee from Halberstadt. He was learned, a Doctor of Canon Law, mild-mannered and attracted to the reforming ideas of Luther. He arrived in Magdeburg in 1523 and again stayed at the Augustinian Cloister. He had to flee initially to Wittenberg with pressure from the Church and State authorities, but a year later was able to return and become the evangelical preacher at St Ulrich’s. This was a well to do influential parish with parishioners from the City Guilds. Weidensee decided to celebrate the liturgy in German and to offer the Eucharist in both forms of Bread and Wine. As a result, all the parishes in the city started to offer celebrations both in the Roman Rite and in the new German Lutheran mode. Though not an orator, Weidensee was a skilled polemicist and able to debate divisive issues.
the 18 articles for debate
As all religious views were the subject of discussion and polemics, Fritzhans, Weidensee and other Lutheran ministers devised 18 theses for debate to try to bring doctrinal and liturgical matters to a head. In what we might think of as typical in Lutheran fashion, they nailed the 18 theses to the door of the Cathedral and distributed tracts with all the theses on the city streets. The articles themselves were very Lutheran. They stated that Christians were not bound by rules concerning clothing, eating and celibacy. In article 7 they gave emphasis to the Priesthood of all believers. In Article 11 they gave the right of congregations to choose pastors themselves by their own authority while the final five articles gave Lutheran ideas on the Mass, Purgatory, Good Works and Christ being the Mediator between God and Man.[3]
The Catholic clergy however refused to be taken up in a polemical debate. This had the effect of highlighting the Articles and making them into a type of manifesto for the new movement in Magdeburg. All the populace now had a chance to read the articles or to hear them spoken in church. A decisive change when many of the city’s clergy abandoned their vows of celibacy and married. Clergy were now treated as ordinary citizens. In a very short space of three months in this pivotal year, all the pulpits of the Altstadt were 'reformed' while the more traditional Roman Rite parishes remained in the Market area.
[3] Brandt,164-6 The Eighteen Articles posted on church doors and distributed in the streets Pub. August 9 1524
The Catholic clergy however refused to be taken up in a polemical debate. This had the effect of highlighting the Articles and making them into a type of manifesto for the new movement in Magdeburg. All the populace now had a chance to read the articles or to hear them spoken in church. A decisive change when many of the city’s clergy abandoned their vows of celibacy and married. Clergy were now treated as ordinary citizens. In a very short space of three months in this pivotal year, all the pulpits of the Altstadt were 'reformed' while the more traditional Roman Rite parishes remained in the Market area.
[3] Brandt,164-6 The Eighteen Articles posted on church doors and distributed in the streets Pub. August 9 1524
NIkoLAuS VON AMSDORF (1483-1565) 'BISHOP' IN MAGDEBURG
Nikolaus von Amsdorf, Gravestone in Georgenkirche Eisenach Thüringen
Luther entered this new situation dramatically by appointing to Magdeburg one of his most loyal disciples and a Professor at Wittenberg University. He was Nikolaus von Amsdorf, and Luther asked him to organize the church in Magdeburg after the model of Wittenberg. The City of Magdeburg asked for Nikolaus to be released from his academic chair in Wittenberg and to become the pastor of St Ulrich’s and Superintendent of the City at large. Out of this development came a new structure of Church Pastors, a committee to oversee Lutheran doctrine and a Council of Elders for each church who were responsible for calling a pastor. A great departure of all this restructuring was the overall responsibility for the jurisdiction of the church governance now lay with the Magdeburg Council and no longer with any hierarchical figures in Saxony or in Rome. Brandt says that the constitution remained essentially the same right into the 19th century.[5] Luther was now pleased to have the support of one of the largest cities in northern Germany and to have von Amsdorf acting essentially ‘like a Bishop’ - although no such title was given. After a long period of study and fellowship at Wittenberg, Luther was convinced of his loyalty and (Lutheran) orthodoxy.
Just like a fire after a little kindling can spread and can become an unstoppable wildfire, the conditions for structural change in the church were already present in Magdeburg. Preachers, manifestos, printers and writers with the city assemblies were eager for movement, leading, in turn, to further development and innovation. The Cathedral and the Assembly could see the dangers coming from this 'wildfire', but they were unable to contain it. The Lutherans too were convinced of the scriptural validity of what they had espoused and communicated. The leaders and preachers, as Brandt describes, were ‘the link between Luther’s theological writings and the marketplace of Magdeburg’.[6]
[5] Brandt, p.159 [6] Brandt , p.161
Although the ideas of the Reformation gained a good initial reception in Magdeburg, it was not long before it showed signs of division. We have already related some of the reaction to the popular preaching of John Gaunt. Like the aforementioned symbol of a conflagration, as the fire spread some of its flames became dangerous and out of control. After what seemed like success for the cause of reform in the early part of 1524 , later that year there were growing fears of the nature of Protestant cause itself. These alarms were sparked by the statements of various street preachers who were exploring ideas of a more revolutionary nature, not wanting just to revive, but to overthrow the established order. The reformation in Magdeburg was largely led by laymen and by any who were academically inclined. Magdeburg did not however possess a university – unlike Wittenberg where ideas could be debated and reasoned before being acted upon. This meant the religiosity of Magdeburg was ‘folksy’ and traditional and not rooted in academia or intellectual debate. This is why the Reform movement was viewed more as a spontaneous development among the people, responding to evangelical preaching. The Church leadership under Archbishop Albert became increasingly concerned opposed the new ideas from as early as 1521-2. [7]
While the Council was generally passive, it was the lay population of the city and not the magistracy or hierarchy that gave initial support. The aforementioned singer in the Altstadt - a beggar of a clothmaker – was arrested for disturbing the peace. Angered by the action of the Council, a group of six to eight hundred citizens managed to break into the city jail to free the singer of the Lutheran songs, and, in his place, lock up his guards in the empty cell. [8] A commentator described this action as ‘ the first uprising’.
[7]Brandt , p.176-7. [8] Brandt p.178 quoting Historia p.143.
Just like a fire after a little kindling can spread and can become an unstoppable wildfire, the conditions for structural change in the church were already present in Magdeburg. Preachers, manifestos, printers and writers with the city assemblies were eager for movement, leading, in turn, to further development and innovation. The Cathedral and the Assembly could see the dangers coming from this 'wildfire', but they were unable to contain it. The Lutherans too were convinced of the scriptural validity of what they had espoused and communicated. The leaders and preachers, as Brandt describes, were ‘the link between Luther’s theological writings and the marketplace of Magdeburg’.[6]
[5] Brandt, p.159 [6] Brandt , p.161
Although the ideas of the Reformation gained a good initial reception in Magdeburg, it was not long before it showed signs of division. We have already related some of the reaction to the popular preaching of John Gaunt. Like the aforementioned symbol of a conflagration, as the fire spread some of its flames became dangerous and out of control. After what seemed like success for the cause of reform in the early part of 1524 , later that year there were growing fears of the nature of Protestant cause itself. These alarms were sparked by the statements of various street preachers who were exploring ideas of a more revolutionary nature, not wanting just to revive, but to overthrow the established order. The reformation in Magdeburg was largely led by laymen and by any who were academically inclined. Magdeburg did not however possess a university – unlike Wittenberg where ideas could be debated and reasoned before being acted upon. This meant the religiosity of Magdeburg was ‘folksy’ and traditional and not rooted in academia or intellectual debate. This is why the Reform movement was viewed more as a spontaneous development among the people, responding to evangelical preaching. The Church leadership under Archbishop Albert became increasingly concerned opposed the new ideas from as early as 1521-2. [7]
While the Council was generally passive, it was the lay population of the city and not the magistracy or hierarchy that gave initial support. The aforementioned singer in the Altstadt - a beggar of a clothmaker – was arrested for disturbing the peace. Angered by the action of the Council, a group of six to eight hundred citizens managed to break into the city jail to free the singer of the Lutheran songs, and, in his place, lock up his guards in the empty cell. [8] A commentator described this action as ‘ the first uprising’.
[7]Brandt , p.176-7. [8] Brandt p.178 quoting Historia p.143.
THE 'FIRST UPRISING' : ANTI CLERICAL TUMULT IN MAGDEBURG
Church of St Agnes today: - originally built in 1230 as a Cistercian Cloister and destroyed several times. Rebuilt in 1949 now a parish church in Magdeburg Neustadt ( Picture from Ottopix)
The Reformation preachers of Grauert, Fritzhans and Weidensee were speaking to a crowd who had anti-clerical resentments, especially over clerics being free from paying taxes and being able to compete with the Guilds of the city for prestige. These resentments often tended towards actions of vandalism after citizens heard sermons. A virtual bloodbath was only averted when several lay leaders organized a more responsible non-violent resistance to the established order. One prominent layman Henry Eichstadt from Saint Catherines argued from Scripture a path of non-violent resistance declaring that ‘vengeance belongs to God alone’. [9]
Roman Catholic clergy started to protest in early 1524 . The Abbot of the Cloister reacted when. without permission, a preacher called ‘Ambrosius’ started to exhort a crowd of 2,000 people. An ordinary baker’s apprentice led an assault by 300 hundred men who ransacked the Cloister Church of St Agnes causing considerable damage while encouraging the sisters of the convent with occasional force to forsake their order and leave the convent. The rabble continued to intimidate the Provost of St Lorenz in Neustadt after a lively argument broke out between the Provost and an evangelical preacher called Datenhagen. The preacher had called the Provost ‘a thief, a schlack ( Eng. Slag) and a traitor’. News of the trouble had spread to students from Wittenberg who incited people in the streets with their rants against the established Catholic Church.
It was in this combustible atmosphere that Luther himself arrived in the city in 1524. The whole community was in a state of agitation, when the Provost of Our Lady refused to remove the Parish Priests of St John and Holy Spirit. Luther’s presence, according to Brandt, had a dramatic effect precipitating the city to follow the Reformation cause. Subsequently the evangelicals found it a lot easier to replace pastors of churches with evangelicals and to introduce Lutheran style worship across the City parishes. A group of evangelicals asked Henry Stott, the Provost of Our Lady’s, to replace priests with pastors, perform sacraments in German and to have Eucharist performed using both kinds of bread and wine. When Stott refused, the evangelicals did not back down but published a pamphlet encouraging congregations of St Peter’s, St Catherine’s and Saints Jacobs to initiate their own reformed services, whether or not they received permission. [10]
[9]Brandt p.179 [10] Brandt p.180-1
Roman Catholic clergy started to protest in early 1524 . The Abbot of the Cloister reacted when. without permission, a preacher called ‘Ambrosius’ started to exhort a crowd of 2,000 people. An ordinary baker’s apprentice led an assault by 300 hundred men who ransacked the Cloister Church of St Agnes causing considerable damage while encouraging the sisters of the convent with occasional force to forsake their order and leave the convent. The rabble continued to intimidate the Provost of St Lorenz in Neustadt after a lively argument broke out between the Provost and an evangelical preacher called Datenhagen. The preacher had called the Provost ‘a thief, a schlack ( Eng. Slag) and a traitor’. News of the trouble had spread to students from Wittenberg who incited people in the streets with their rants against the established Catholic Church.
It was in this combustible atmosphere that Luther himself arrived in the city in 1524. The whole community was in a state of agitation, when the Provost of Our Lady refused to remove the Parish Priests of St John and Holy Spirit. Luther’s presence, according to Brandt, had a dramatic effect precipitating the city to follow the Reformation cause. Subsequently the evangelicals found it a lot easier to replace pastors of churches with evangelicals and to introduce Lutheran style worship across the City parishes. A group of evangelicals asked Henry Stott, the Provost of Our Lady’s, to replace priests with pastors, perform sacraments in German and to have Eucharist performed using both kinds of bread and wine. When Stott refused, the evangelicals did not back down but published a pamphlet encouraging congregations of St Peter’s, St Catherine’s and Saints Jacobs to initiate their own reformed services, whether or not they received permission. [10]
[9]Brandt p.179 [10] Brandt p.180-1
vERBUM DEI MANET IN AETERNAM MOTTO OF MAGDEBURG
Magdeburg Coin from 1673 with City Motto VDMIA
No one was able to stop the reformers, and the “Lutheran “ faith became effectively established in various churches in the Magdeburg Altstadt by the end of July 1524. The Archbishop was powerless to stop it and thus Magdeburg was the first northern German city to accept the Reformed faith. The change seemed to be complete when the City adopted a new motto ‘Verbum Domini manet in Aeternum’ – the Word of the Lord abides forever. It was also reflected in the new oath of citizenship adopted by the Council.
I (name) promise and swear to be loyal, favorable and obedient to the council, to wish for the best for the for the Council and the City, to prevent and preserve them from harm according to my abilities; and if ever the above-named and council is ever in distress on account of the abolition of the Mass or on account of accepting the Gospel as it is now preached in its clarity and purity ( I promise) with all my abilities to sacrifice obediently and faithfully my life and my goods, because I am a citizen. So help me God and the Holy Gospel.[11]
Nothing quite like it had preceded the change in Magdeburg . Lutheranism had become the established faith and later, after the time of the Augsburg Confession, no Roman Catholic could become a Citizen of Magdeburg. This did seem a little self-contradictory, as we will argue later, as the Augsburg Confession was written as a 'Catholic' document, with 'nothing that varied from the Church Universal or from the Church of Rome'. Only those now who espoused the Augsburg Confession were able to exercise any political, religious or civic rights in the city.[11] Magdeburg had effectively become a type of Confessional Theocracy.
[11] Brandt p.182-3 The oath quoted in Brandt, is taken from Alte Magdeburg by Joachimo Wolfio , p.56 and copied from the Saxon Chronicle by Dressurus. The motto of the City was not written out but given in its initials V.D.M.I.A. The quotation from the Augsburg Confession is from the summary statement of Article 21. Augsburg Confession p.32
ANTI-CATHOLIC AND CLERICAL PERSECUTION IN MAGDEBURG
The Image of Saint Martin in Magdeburg Cathedral - the only image not to be destroyed or defaced
, The City – now a Protestant City - was combustible. Everything had all happened so rapidly, with little oversight or discussion of how to include citizens who were not in favor of the ‘new faith’ and who wished to remain loyal to the Catholic faith they had known. The more radical Protestants like John Grauert wished to rid the city completely of Roman Catholics. [12] Violence was rampant in the city with Friars being pelted with eggs during their services during the feast of the Assumption of Mary ( August 15th). Anticipating plans to vandalize precious relics at the Cathedral, the cathedral staff moved the relics to a local village. The whole episode had such a disturbing effect that a senior deacon died shortly afterwards. While the Catholic community accused the rioters of murder, the protesters regarded it as retribution from God for the Deacon contacting the Archbishop to complain about the new style of preaching.[13] Another tradition connected with the celebration of the Assumption of Mary that was spoilt by the evangelical troublemakers was “ Kraut” or “Wurzweihe” day. This tradition involved bringing grain, fruit and vegetables to the churches to have them blessed with holy water. The Reforming preachers decided to preach against this tradition. Brandt discusses how 500 ‘rowdies’ who had listened to the sermon entered all the city churches, and took all the grains and vegetables and strew them on the ground while dancing on the display they created. Afterwards they went to the Cathedral and destroyed anything they could lay their hands on, including candles, pictures and lamps. The only item they seemed to miss was, perhaps guided by some superstition, was the alabaster statue of St Maurice the patron of this city. Afterwards the crowd wandered through the streets seeking to taunt and harass any members of the Catholic clergy they might find. The orgy of destruction continued through the following month of September and even to October.[14] The Council tried to remain impartial in the wake of the tumult while showing support for the new theological thinking, while at the same time giving the impression to the Empire and the Archbishop that the situation was firmly under control. There was some growing separation between radicals and the more conciliatory Lutherans on the Council. In order to show their impartiality, they decided to burn a heretic on January 8th 1525.
[12] Brandt p.183. [13] Brandt p.183 [14] Brandt p.184
[12] Brandt p.183. [13] Brandt p.183 [14] Brandt p.184
politics and religion: the settling of scores?
One thing that seemed to be absent in all the tumult in the city was any sense of religious ideas, thinking, devotion or practice. Various people in the city were using the upheaval caused by the Reformation ideas as a cloak for their own largely political ideas of retribution, settling old scores and expressing general political discontent. The tumult only completely subsided when the council allowed two people from the common citizenry to join the council. With some of the more radical elements now more quiescent, the city could now attempt to promote a more moderate reformation. However, the disturbances in the city also encouraged the council themselves to take action against the old church. They gave an ultimation to both the Dominican and Franciscan cloisters to alter their interior constitutions or be forced to change them by the council. After some delaying tactics, the cloisters decided to close their doors and to go out to the new Market where they challenged and opposed the Lutheran preachers.
By the spring of 1525 the local uprising had ceased, and, when Thomas Müntzer the famous evangelical firebrand was executed on May 27th, the Lutheran and Catholic groups ceased any open conflict. From then on there were three factions in the city – the Lutheran and Roman factions and the Anabaptists who were to the left of the Lutherans in theology and practice.
Both the pulpit and pamphleteers were the means of debate for the next fifty years until 1575. The situation had however changed fundamentally as Lutheranism was now the dominant confession in the city, and the local power base in economics, politics and religion was solidly Lutheran. The preachers active in the city, by their preaching and publications, gave a solid lead to the citizenry seeking religious faith and belief. The leaders were (former) ‘priors and monks, with Mayors, wealthy businessmen’ and a doctor – all established middle-class personalities in the community.[15] In this sense the growth of Lutheranism was ‘anti-revolutionary’ and Brandt suggests the city was committed to a ‘moderate magisterial Reformation’. [16] Lutheran beliefs either won acceptance or were forced upon all citizens of the city which helped to keep the peace in Magdeburg for the rest of the 16th century.
[15] Brandt p.191 [16] Brandt p.187
By the spring of 1525 the local uprising had ceased, and, when Thomas Müntzer the famous evangelical firebrand was executed on May 27th, the Lutheran and Catholic groups ceased any open conflict. From then on there were three factions in the city – the Lutheran and Roman factions and the Anabaptists who were to the left of the Lutherans in theology and practice.
Both the pulpit and pamphleteers were the means of debate for the next fifty years until 1575. The situation had however changed fundamentally as Lutheranism was now the dominant confession in the city, and the local power base in economics, politics and religion was solidly Lutheran. The preachers active in the city, by their preaching and publications, gave a solid lead to the citizenry seeking religious faith and belief. The leaders were (former) ‘priors and monks, with Mayors, wealthy businessmen’ and a doctor – all established middle-class personalities in the community.[15] In this sense the growth of Lutheranism was ‘anti-revolutionary’ and Brandt suggests the city was committed to a ‘moderate magisterial Reformation’. [16] Lutheran beliefs either won acceptance or were forced upon all citizens of the city which helped to keep the peace in Magdeburg for the rest of the 16th century.
[15] Brandt p.191 [16] Brandt p.187
the imperial court steps in.
The changes in Magdeburg did not escape the notice of the Imperial Supreme Court and the council was called to Esslingen on October 17th 1524 to account for what had been happening in the City, particularly at the time of the celebration of the Assumption elucidated earlier. The court was seeking immediate recompense in terms of a fine of 200 gold marks to be divided between the Imperial treasury and the Cardinal Albert. In addition, they demanded the expulsion of all Lutheran preachers and their heresies and ordered that Roman Catholic clergy should be re-instated in all churches, traditional services be re-introduced, and monks and friars be allowed to return to their cloisters and friaries. They stated that, if the Council of Magdeburg failed to comply within 45 days, the edict given against Luther in Worms would apply to the city also. The city itself could be outlawed in the Empire. This would affect all areas, not just the areas of religious services, but commercial and political issues also.
The council itself was now in a difficult quandary. The local populace had been acquiescent and calm for several months: submission to the edict might have sparked a popular uprising. Fear of tumult and possible retribution as well as political and commercial isolation in the city led the Council to decide to comply with the summons of the Empire. They decided to send a delegation to Essingen in support of their stand that the city was ‘free’ and committed to reformation principles . Finally on November 19th , after a two-month delay requested by the Magdeburg Council, the Chancellor of the Archbishop presented the case against the city. As a rebuttal the main defense lawyer called Merz reported that the city made a decision to support the new religious beliefs and that it was the will of the people, not something that had been decided by the Council alone. The people themselves wanted ‘the pure preaching of the gospel’ and an end to abuses by the church. The Council were merely supporting what the people wanted. Further Merz declared that the council supported their desires but pointed out that they would give unqualified support and obedience to the Emperor, the Archbishop and the council in all other matters. In order to prevent political disquiet in the city the Council gave permission for the installation of evangelical pastors in the main churches. Catholic clergy on the other hand they stated had not been robbed and would be able to keep their homes and salaries but would not be able to retake their offices before a general Council of the whole Church had decided on these matters. The Council expressed -rather disingenuously - complete ignorance of any desecration of sacred spaces or any destruction of relics or images, declaring that there had been ‘no official complaints’. The three evangelical minister Fritzhans, Weidensee and Mirisch were not installed by the Council but were selected by the individual churches themselves. Merz said the Council, in order to avoid any possible rebellion or tumult, decided to wait for a church Council to decide on matters of faith and liturgical practice. They therefore held the churches themselves responsible for their decisions and even the idea that the churches themselves could choose their own Bishops. The Council had not got rid of Roman Catholic teachings. In order to prevent any upheaval, they declared that in the Cathedral and in the orders, Mass and sacraments were continuing in traditional Catholic ways while also awaiting instructions from a Church Council. [17] The City Council continued to declare it was not responsible for inviting Luther while in fact the acting Mayor had issued the invitation on his own initiative. They also disclaimed any responsibility for promulgating any laws against the old church. They claimed that preacher Grauert did not have any permission to preach in the city and could not verify that he was a duly ordained minister. He was therefore responsible for his own teaching and materials. The Council themselves felt they had no authority to decide on matters of possible heresy and declared- again disingenuously - that all the disturbances in the city and the harassment of Roman Catholic clergy was not instigated by the citizens of the city but was the responsibility of 'unruly students, workers from abroad and undisciplined people'. For all these reasons Merz requested that the Imperial Supreme Court drop all charges against the Magdeburg City Council. For various reasons the Court failed to accept the position of Cardinal Albert’s Councilor Zoch. He in turn accused the Supreme Court of siding with the Lutheran cause.
[17] Brandt p.208-9
The council itself was now in a difficult quandary. The local populace had been acquiescent and calm for several months: submission to the edict might have sparked a popular uprising. Fear of tumult and possible retribution as well as political and commercial isolation in the city led the Council to decide to comply with the summons of the Empire. They decided to send a delegation to Essingen in support of their stand that the city was ‘free’ and committed to reformation principles . Finally on November 19th , after a two-month delay requested by the Magdeburg Council, the Chancellor of the Archbishop presented the case against the city. As a rebuttal the main defense lawyer called Merz reported that the city made a decision to support the new religious beliefs and that it was the will of the people, not something that had been decided by the Council alone. The people themselves wanted ‘the pure preaching of the gospel’ and an end to abuses by the church. The Council were merely supporting what the people wanted. Further Merz declared that the council supported their desires but pointed out that they would give unqualified support and obedience to the Emperor, the Archbishop and the council in all other matters. In order to prevent political disquiet in the city the Council gave permission for the installation of evangelical pastors in the main churches. Catholic clergy on the other hand they stated had not been robbed and would be able to keep their homes and salaries but would not be able to retake their offices before a general Council of the whole Church had decided on these matters. The Council expressed -rather disingenuously - complete ignorance of any desecration of sacred spaces or any destruction of relics or images, declaring that there had been ‘no official complaints’. The three evangelical minister Fritzhans, Weidensee and Mirisch were not installed by the Council but were selected by the individual churches themselves. Merz said the Council, in order to avoid any possible rebellion or tumult, decided to wait for a church Council to decide on matters of faith and liturgical practice. They therefore held the churches themselves responsible for their decisions and even the idea that the churches themselves could choose their own Bishops. The Council had not got rid of Roman Catholic teachings. In order to prevent any upheaval, they declared that in the Cathedral and in the orders, Mass and sacraments were continuing in traditional Catholic ways while also awaiting instructions from a Church Council. [17] The City Council continued to declare it was not responsible for inviting Luther while in fact the acting Mayor had issued the invitation on his own initiative. They also disclaimed any responsibility for promulgating any laws against the old church. They claimed that preacher Grauert did not have any permission to preach in the city and could not verify that he was a duly ordained minister. He was therefore responsible for his own teaching and materials. The Council themselves felt they had no authority to decide on matters of possible heresy and declared- again disingenuously - that all the disturbances in the city and the harassment of Roman Catholic clergy was not instigated by the citizens of the city but was the responsibility of 'unruly students, workers from abroad and undisciplined people'. For all these reasons Merz requested that the Imperial Supreme Court drop all charges against the Magdeburg City Council. For various reasons the Court failed to accept the position of Cardinal Albert’s Councilor Zoch. He in turn accused the Supreme Court of siding with the Lutheran cause.
[17] Brandt p.208-9
magdeburg excommunicated.
Cardinal Campeggio (1464-15320 Papal Legate
While political wrangling was taking place in Essingen, the Church authorities had decided to take action. The Papal Legate to Germany, Hungary , Bohemia and Poland Cardinal Campeggio received a brief from Archbishop Albert listing a series of Imperial complaints. Campeggio had to decide on theological matters and declared a Bull of Excommunication on the City on October 24 1524. The City was given thirty days to rid the community of Lutheran heresy otherwise to remain excommunicated and outside the Roman Catholic Church fold. The ban of excommunication was attached to the doors of the Cathedrals in Mainz, Brandenburg, Havelberg and Merseburg. According to Brandt for some strange reason the Archbishop of Magdeburg did not post the ban. Being in the front line, the Archbishop thought the better of it as the Council were making every effort to calm the situation and restrain all the radical elements while seeking to stop the intimidation of Catholic clergy. The Archbishop asked for a ‘cooling off’ period from the City Council. In addition the Peasants war had broken out in Thuringia and the city was suppressing local elements that were prone to radical action. While the citizens did not seem overly concerned with the episcopal threats of excommunication, the city thought differently. In the light of Luther’s own experience in Worms, they decided not to take any chances and started to reinforce the fortifications of the city in the light of any possible assault by the Imperial forces. A militia was organized for the purposes of defense. The City and the Archbishop were considering a affected a mutual marriage of convenience for the security of the city. While a rumor developed that the Archbishop was considering some of the Lutheran doctrine and positions, the defeat of the Peasants in their war against the Empire helped him to clarify his thoughts and his position and to safeguard his own authority. The Archbishop met with some other anti-Lutheran princes and declared their desire to exterminate what they saw as was ‘the seductive, damnable Lutheran doctrine which caused such murder, mayhem, blasphemy and destruction.’[18] Some type of compromise had to be made to keep the situation under control and to stop the confusion spreading further, interrupting economic and civic life. A Treaty was drawn up between the Archbishop and the City ‘ to lay aside all defects, arguments and unpleasantness and bad faith between the Cardinal, Cathedral Chapter and the City’. The Treaty had only one religious clause which was to allow the Cathedral, Collegiate foundations and Our Lady to continue to offer their services in the traditional manner without any interference from the City Council [19] Here the City was making a stand against a much less tolerant populace who wished to rid Magdeburg completely of all vestiges of Roman religion. The Treaty however emphasized trade and commerce issues to ensure continuous civic life, guaranteeing peace and a measure of prosperity. It was not possible for the Council to continue a tight rope of religious indifference or neutrality. The Lutheran pastors were too radical, or one might say intolerant of any other view other than their own strict Lutheran orthodoxy. Fritzhans and Wiedensee produced a treatise in 1526 which struck a much less tolerant view of inter religious adaptation and compromise . They could not understand how the Council could tolerate ‘monkery’ and Roman worship. They wrote:
‘Listen O heavens, O Earth and all creatures and above all you members of the Council; how can you tolerate it? ( Romanism in Magdeburg). If you still have a drop of Christian blood in your body, then take this to heart. If you tolerate this and do not punish them ( Roman Catholics for your sake) you remain God’s blasphemers and shameful ones’. [20]
[18] Text of Letter to Duke Henry of Braunschweig Wolfenbüttal in C Gotthdd Neudecker ed, l, Ukkunden aus der Reformationzeit (Cassel, 1836 pp.10-14 quoted in Brandt p.212[ 19] THis was the sixteenth article of the Treaty of August 14th1525 between Archbishop Albert and the Cathedral and Council of Magdeburg Brandt p. 212
[20] Brandt p.214 Ref Der Barfuszer zw Magdeburg grund yhres Ordes. Nyderlegung dessel bygen ym wortte Gottes Erstlich eyre sendbryff wy sulches den von Hamburg durch die von Magdeburg zu geschrybn 1526 Magdeburg Lv.Liij verso
‘Listen O heavens, O Earth and all creatures and above all you members of the Council; how can you tolerate it? ( Romanism in Magdeburg). If you still have a drop of Christian blood in your body, then take this to heart. If you tolerate this and do not punish them ( Roman Catholics for your sake) you remain God’s blasphemers and shameful ones’. [20]
[18] Text of Letter to Duke Henry of Braunschweig Wolfenbüttal in C Gotthdd Neudecker ed, l, Ukkunden aus der Reformationzeit (Cassel, 1836 pp.10-14 quoted in Brandt p.212[ 19] THis was the sixteenth article of the Treaty of August 14th1525 between Archbishop Albert and the Cathedral and Council of Magdeburg Brandt p. 212
[20] Brandt p.214 Ref Der Barfuszer zw Magdeburg grund yhres Ordes. Nyderlegung dessel bygen ym wortte Gottes Erstlich eyre sendbryff wy sulches den von Hamburg durch die von Magdeburg zu geschrybn 1526 Magdeburg Lv.Liij verso
The Reformers felt that the Council had a duty to act on behalf of what they saw as the ‘true church’.
'Oh heaven, oh earth, oh blindness and foolishness oh the blasphemous malice. From this hour , no Christian government should any longer tolerate monastery life, but should immediately exterminate and destroy it…Any government, however, which makes allowance for such blasphemy of God should realize that they too are negligent and participate in such blasphemy of God, and are every bit as guilty as if they themselves blasphemed and shamed God …Since the government punishes thieves and murderers who sin against the second table of the commandments how much more should the government punish the blasphemers of God who sin against the first table?' [21]
[21] Ibid; Lv Mi verso. The first table of the Commandments are to do with the worship of God.
'Oh heaven, oh earth, oh blindness and foolishness oh the blasphemous malice. From this hour , no Christian government should any longer tolerate monastery life, but should immediately exterminate and destroy it…Any government, however, which makes allowance for such blasphemy of God should realize that they too are negligent and participate in such blasphemy of God, and are every bit as guilty as if they themselves blasphemed and shamed God …Since the government punishes thieves and murderers who sin against the second table of the commandments how much more should the government punish the blasphemers of God who sin against the first table?' [21]
[21] Ibid; Lv Mi verso. The first table of the Commandments are to do with the worship of God.
The Territories of the Schmalkaldic League
Fritzhans and Weidensee were accusing the Council of being complicit in what they saw as spiritual evil. They regarded Catholics, priests and laity as sinning against God himself. To them, as they were similar to thieves and murderers, they should have capital punishment at most or exile. The Council did not act on such severe action but preferred to keep the status quo and thus keep the peace and prevent further turmoil ending in possible economic and political isolation. However the situation of trying to placate all parties could not endure forever: one side or the other had to become paramount. Finally the Council decided to go with the feeling of the masses and fully embrace the Reformation cause and to join the Schmalkaldic League. [22]
[22] The Schmalkaldic League was a political and military alliance formed in 1531, the year after the failure of the of the Diet of Augsburg to bring peace to the religious factions in Germany. Formed by Protestant princes loyal to the Augsburg Confession, they sought to protect their members from the Imperial Catholic army of Charles V who sought to return all the states to Catholicism. The Imperial Army defeated the Schmalkaldic states in 1546-7.
[22] The Schmalkaldic League was a political and military alliance formed in 1531, the year after the failure of the of the Diet of Augsburg to bring peace to the religious factions in Germany. Formed by Protestant princes loyal to the Augsburg Confession, they sought to protect their members from the Imperial Catholic army of Charles V who sought to return all the states to Catholicism. The Imperial Army defeated the Schmalkaldic states in 1546-7.
the religious revolution in magdeburg
The change of religious culture in the city was dramatic and unprecedented. Magdeburg had been a religious city from its beginnings and was indeed viewed as a ‘Little Rome’. Its earliest leaders Archbishop Adelbert and his protégé Adelbert were considered saints. The City was the background for the work of Mechtild of Magdeburg and her mystical faith and devotion to the Sacred Heart. It was also for ten years the base of influential work of St Norbert and the Premonstratensian Order. Up to May 1524 religion was still practiced as it had been for the previous five hundred years with all the characteristics of Middle Ages Catholicism, with devotions, liturgies, pilgrimages and different spiritual and cultural traditions. Within the space of a couple of months everything seemed to have changed: the population now were denouncing all the previous traditions of faith and regarded them as being inspired by the anti-Christ. How was such a dramatic change possible? Was it indeed a new way of looking at the Gospel or was it external threats, a desire for more freedom, a measure of anti-clericalism, vengeance and the settling of scores or an example of spiritual warfare or was it all of these things together? Fritzhans and Weidensee could see a wide number of possible expressions of this new ‘Reformed” faith.
The gospel is a common doctrine for rich and poor, honorable and dishonorable. The Gospel is for as many classes as one has names, for God is no respecter of persons. The Gospel exempts no person or class but accepts anyone who believes. [22]
[22] Brandt p.229
The gospel is a common doctrine for rich and poor, honorable and dishonorable. The Gospel is for as many classes as one has names, for God is no respecter of persons. The Gospel exempts no person or class but accepts anyone who believes. [22]
[22] Brandt p.229
Thomas Muntzer (1489-1525) Radical preacher.
There were indeed a wide variety of responses to this spiritual/cultural movement including the very radical work of Thomas Müntzer and the preachers work which one could consider very inflammatory. Brandt describes it thus:
One moment Magdeburgers prayed at their shrines, donated money to foundations, participated at pilgrimages and cheered relic processions, the next they were storming churches and cloisters, smashing relics and pictures and terminating the procession of St Maurice – the most important and meaningful ecclesiastical holiday. Image doners were now image breakers. [23]
It would certainly seem to the unbiased observer that ‘all hell had broken loose’ in Magdeburg, and it would been hard to see in any of these activities any new understanding of the merciful gospel of Jesus. The new situation was a major change for Clergy: they now had to pay taxes and swear oaths to the city, and any job was regarded as pleasing to God as any other. Church properties - such as Our Lady’s Cloister - were given to the state ‘ for safe keeping’ and they became homes for unmarried women and orphans as a part of a new system of welfare and poor relief. Instead of the older interest in religious asceticism there was a new emphasis of the Christian a servant in society. The schools were now being reorganized by Nikolaus von Amsdorf, with all the smaller church school being combined into one strong evangelical college. The new school was situated at St Stephen’s Chapel and, under the direction of Cruciger who was a friend of Melanchthon, his efforts were successful leading to a relocation to the Augustinian cloister chapel. The Council now had an expanded authority and declared themselves a Free Imperial City. They also adopted as we have noted the new motto which echoed the religious change in the city which read V.D.M.I.E - ‘verbum Dei manet in aeternum - ‘the Word of the Lord endures for Ever.’ To the council all the suffering and tumult seemed to be worthwhile. To them Magdeburg had a council who are so virtuous and pious and citizens who were disposed towards Jesus Christ and they believed that there was no city in all of Germany which would compare in devotion and righteousness as Magdeburg.[24] They felt that the evangelical preachers had built strong theological and practical foundations over the years 1520-30 and they were so confident in a new ‘Lutheran’ identity that they were even willing to defend it by force, if needed. The position they took theologically however could be regarded as extreme as there was little or no tolerance for any other view than that espoused by Nikolaus von Amsdorf and the other preachers. Their position, however, was soon to be tested.
[23] Brandt p.230 [24] Brandt p.296
One moment Magdeburgers prayed at their shrines, donated money to foundations, participated at pilgrimages and cheered relic processions, the next they were storming churches and cloisters, smashing relics and pictures and terminating the procession of St Maurice – the most important and meaningful ecclesiastical holiday. Image doners were now image breakers. [23]
It would certainly seem to the unbiased observer that ‘all hell had broken loose’ in Magdeburg, and it would been hard to see in any of these activities any new understanding of the merciful gospel of Jesus. The new situation was a major change for Clergy: they now had to pay taxes and swear oaths to the city, and any job was regarded as pleasing to God as any other. Church properties - such as Our Lady’s Cloister - were given to the state ‘ for safe keeping’ and they became homes for unmarried women and orphans as a part of a new system of welfare and poor relief. Instead of the older interest in religious asceticism there was a new emphasis of the Christian a servant in society. The schools were now being reorganized by Nikolaus von Amsdorf, with all the smaller church school being combined into one strong evangelical college. The new school was situated at St Stephen’s Chapel and, under the direction of Cruciger who was a friend of Melanchthon, his efforts were successful leading to a relocation to the Augustinian cloister chapel. The Council now had an expanded authority and declared themselves a Free Imperial City. They also adopted as we have noted the new motto which echoed the religious change in the city which read V.D.M.I.E - ‘verbum Dei manet in aeternum - ‘the Word of the Lord endures for Ever.’ To the council all the suffering and tumult seemed to be worthwhile. To them Magdeburg had a council who are so virtuous and pious and citizens who were disposed towards Jesus Christ and they believed that there was no city in all of Germany which would compare in devotion and righteousness as Magdeburg.[24] They felt that the evangelical preachers had built strong theological and practical foundations over the years 1520-30 and they were so confident in a new ‘Lutheran’ identity that they were even willing to defend it by force, if needed. The position they took theologically however could be regarded as extreme as there was little or no tolerance for any other view than that espoused by Nikolaus von Amsdorf and the other preachers. Their position, however, was soon to be tested.
[23] Brandt p.230 [24] Brandt p.296
THE BATTLE OF MÜHLBERG and the capitulation of wittenberg.
A mural of the Capitulation of Wittenberg showing the Castle, the Parish Church of St Mary's, the College and the house of Phillip Melanchthon. The Latin reads: Wittenberg, Glorious City of God and centre of truly Catholic doctrine, metropolis of the seven Saxon princes, most famous academies in Europe and a place of great holiness for the last millennium
The Battle of Mühlberg (April 24 1547) was the first serious attempt for the Empire to quell by force the disturbances in the Schmalkaldic league. Magdeburg, as we have noted was one of the original members of the league formed in 1531 for the protection of the ‘Protestant’ states. The Catholic Princes of the Empire - led by Charles V (who had officiated at the Diet of Augsburg seventeen years previously) - won a decisive victory at the Battle of Mühlberg against the forces of the League led by Elector John Frederick of Saxony and Landgrave Phillip 1 of Hesse. As what might seem strange in this situation of religious based conflict, John Frederick considered an attack by the Imperial forces so unlikely he arranged for all his troops – mainly consisting of peasants – to go to Mass. It would certainly seem to an outsider that both sides of this battle were practicing same basic Catholic faith, with both sides believing they were essentially orthodox and celebrating Mass.
The Saxon forces were taken by surprise when the Imperial forces crossed the Elbe. Feeling there was no time to prepare to retreat, they ordered their forces to prepare to go to battle. However, the forces of Charles V were much superior to the troops of the League, and very quickly the Imperial troops won the battle, leaving the majority of the League army either wounded or killed. The League had then to sign the Capitulation of Wittenberg. THis was the City at the heart of the Reformation and the City of Luther's 95 Theses of 1517. This treaty signified that Charles V was effectively now in control of most of the Protestant territories and importantly their ideological center.
While the Reformed Army had been defeated, the ideas of Luther however had not been, and still were motivating ideas of religious change across Germany: as ideas, they could not obiviously be contained just by military force. To appease the Reformers and to prepare for a reentry of the lands of the Augsburg Confession into the Empire, Charles V composed the Augsburg Interim. This development did not please all the Lutheran estates, provoking a second Schmalkaldic war, and a measure of peace was only achieved three years later at the Peace of Augsburg in 1550.
The Saxon forces were taken by surprise when the Imperial forces crossed the Elbe. Feeling there was no time to prepare to retreat, they ordered their forces to prepare to go to battle. However, the forces of Charles V were much superior to the troops of the League, and very quickly the Imperial troops won the battle, leaving the majority of the League army either wounded or killed. The League had then to sign the Capitulation of Wittenberg. THis was the City at the heart of the Reformation and the City of Luther's 95 Theses of 1517. This treaty signified that Charles V was effectively now in control of most of the Protestant territories and importantly their ideological center.
While the Reformed Army had been defeated, the ideas of Luther however had not been, and still were motivating ideas of religious change across Germany: as ideas, they could not obiviously be contained just by military force. To appease the Reformers and to prepare for a reentry of the lands of the Augsburg Confession into the Empire, Charles V composed the Augsburg Interim. This development did not please all the Lutheran estates, provoking a second Schmalkaldic war, and a measure of peace was only achieved three years later at the Peace of Augsburg in 1550.
the augsburg interim
Magdeburg coin from the period of Interim in Latin 'Get thee hence Satan in the Interim.'
During this period, Magdeburg had started to push for a stronger Protestant line. While relations between the Council and the Archbishop went through periods of confrontation and cooperation, a committee was formed in the city to demand the Canons at the Cathedral adopt a more Lutheran based faith. While the Council did not at the time believe this should be introduced by force, when the Archbishop Albert died in September 1545 the city refused to give allegiance to his successor, Johann Albert, and insisted that the Cathedral change its worship or to face serious consequences. The Emperor responded to a plea for help from Johann Albert and he placed an edict on the city on June 1st 1546. With all the confusion that continued and the harassment of the Cathedral clergy, the Canons finally abandoned the city. The Council then forbade the celebration of Mass and ordered that the gates of the Cathedral themselves be locked. [25]
[25] Brandt p.308
[25] Brandt p.308
Reverse of Magdeburg Coin with Latin Text 'This is my Beloved Son' from the Transfiguration Luke 9:35.
The Emperor himself despaired of the Council of Trent being able to bring a measure of religious peace and so decided himself to introduce an Interim agreement to restore a measure of harmony between the different factions. He called the document a ‘Declaration on Religion’ The idea of this legislation was to regulate worship across the Empire until a General Church Council of Trent was able to decide on all matters of faith and religious practice. It was thus to be an ‘interim’ declaration. It was also effectively a ‘compromise’ position of faith, adapting some of the ideas of the Augsburg Confession while retaining traditional views of church structure and liturgical practice and sacramental Theology. The Declaration on Religion consisted of twenty six articles mostly outlining Catholic belief. It allowed two concessions to the Lutheran movement in allowing priests to marry and for the Eucharist to be celebrated under both kinds of bread and wine. It legislated for the retention of all Catholic property while the power and role of the Bishop was once again recognized ( as was in fact suggested in the Augsburg Confession Article XXVIII ) The seven sacraments of the church were also retained. The Pope was once again to be recognized as the final interpreter of faith and scripture and all the original rites of the church were also to be retained. The Interim itself became law across the Empire on 30 June 1548.
Magdeburg - 'the chancery of the lord'
The defeat of the Schmalkaldic Estates and the interim made many like-minded Lutherans to become effectively ‘religious refugees’ and travel to this protestant outpost of Lutheran belief and practice. This migration and gathering of religious exiles had the effect of radicalizing the Magdeburg Church community even further. One Magdeburger – the Council secretary Dr Levin von Emden, reflected the spirit that was growing in the city when he said he ‘would rather be skinned alive than allow the papists to return to Magdeburg’. [26] Magdeburg was becoming the flagship of the resistance to the Interim and the old ways. It was the Corpus Christianum’ – the body of Christ – and decided indeed that it would take the high road and be the purveyor of ‘true’ Christian doctrine and belief by producing thousands of religious leaflets on every conceivable subject relevant to their faith and against all compromisers of the Interim, the Adiaphorists [27], and the Anabaptists. In contrast to al of these they would be ‘The Chancellery of the Lord’ – the purveyors of true belief and practice. The group of 'Gnesio' or ‘genuine’ Lutherans then proceeded to write voluminous tracts, inspired songs and sermons in simple German to win all the Citizens of the City to their cause. It was in a sense a great war of propaganda. From street corners to church sermons and tracts the people were being led to a high spiritual commitment to a radical Lutheran position - free from any compromise with the ‘interim’ evangelical community or the Catholic Church. Any acceptance of any other view tinted by the Interim was for them to be ‘inviting the anti-Christ’.
[26] Brandt , 310 [27] Adiaphorists were individual Christians who were ‘liberal’ and were indifferent about dropping any particular doctrine. They would be the extreme example of every Chrisitan deciding on their own what to believe.
[26] Brandt , 310 [27] Adiaphorists were individual Christians who were ‘liberal’ and were indifferent about dropping any particular doctrine. They would be the extreme example of every Chrisitan deciding on their own what to believe.
PROPOGANDA WAR - SONGS AND SERMONS
Oh Magdeburg hold steadfast
Alien guests are coming,
Who want to drive you
Out of you well built home.
To the Emperor we want to render
Now and forever
That which is his
And not which belongs to God
In Magdeburg the free
There is many a tender child
They cry to God in heaven
To keep the City safe.
The Gospel they want to quench
Brand it as lies
Against this we want to fight
As long as there is life in us
In Magdeburg the Fortress
There are fine young maidens
Who pray for good Christians
And hate the Spaniards
On the walls of Magdeburg
Are many splendid guns
And many a heart is saddened
Because they haven’t yet been used.
[27]
[27] This song of a brave ‘country servant’ who said God was on our side while continuing to gather coins from his listeners. Translation by Prof Dwaine Brandt, 312
Alien guests are coming,
Who want to drive you
Out of you well built home.
To the Emperor we want to render
Now and forever
That which is his
And not which belongs to God
In Magdeburg the free
There is many a tender child
They cry to God in heaven
To keep the City safe.
The Gospel they want to quench
Brand it as lies
Against this we want to fight
As long as there is life in us
In Magdeburg the Fortress
There are fine young maidens
Who pray for good Christians
And hate the Spaniards
On the walls of Magdeburg
Are many splendid guns
And many a heart is saddened
Because they haven’t yet been used.
[27]
[27] This song of a brave ‘country servant’ who said God was on our side while continuing to gather coins from his listeners. Translation by Prof Dwaine Brandt, 312
A fortress in Masada Israel Photo by photodisc on Freeimages.com
To Magdeburgers, Maurice of Saxony who had capitulated to Charles, the Spanish ( who would have peopled the Imperial Army and the Interim) were all forces opposed to God. This notion was then transferred into military thinking as Maurice of Saxony moved troops to surround the city while its residents were convinced that God would never allow them to be defeated. Everything was now slowly escalating: a fight that had started in the pulpit against the Catholic Church and the compromising Interim was now potentially becoming an open conflict. Defeated military leaders from the Schmalkaldic wars were now based in Magdeburg ready for conflict. However, Maurice of Saxony thought it unwise to move into battle due to a lack of finances. Though now surrounded by a siege, Magdeburg was, at least for the present, ‘saved’.
Nikolaus von Amsdorf regarded his role in any conflict to warn of the danger of Catholicism returning to the City. He wrote a long tract denouncing the Mass, fasting, the ‘worship of saints’ and the Antichrist, and then explained the Lutheran doctrine of Justification. It is not surprising that the writing of Amsdorf and Alber started to feed the idea that ‘the end of the world was nigh’ and that the Judgement was soon to happen. In these perilous times Magdeburg stood alone in the world, the only beacon of faith and gospel purity: it was effectively the last bastion against the antichrist. They alone were true to the ‘old church’ the ones who were true to the Augsburg Confession against all the compromises of even those who wrote the Confession - now called the Phillipists after Phillip Melanchthon - and the Adiaphorists. The symbol of the Beast in the Book of Revelation fed into their world-view.
“ He who accepts the interim prays to the Beast and takes from the Beast the markings on his forehead and his hands and drinks from the cup of the Babylonian Whore. In summary he passes from the Christ to anti-Christ and from God to the devil’. [28]
All who accepted the Interim in any way therefore deserved to be thrown into the fiery pool of Revelation. Similarly, any who fought the worthy ‘Gnesio’ (genuine) Lutherans of Magdeburg would be guilty of sin against the Holy Ghost which in Scripture was the unpardonable sin. Faith and politics were now fused; religion and liberty were one and any idea of ecumenism was a complete impossibility. All right was on the side of the City which then would resist ‘Pope , Emperor, Interim, Prince, ban and siege and 'hyphenated Lutherans' secure in the knowledge that they defended God’s will’.[29]
Whatever of their theology and religious philosophy which one could examine for both for its orthodoxy or for exaggeration and even heresy, it did give them the strength to resist overwhelming odds for the full thirteen months of the siege. If nothing else shows the strength of character of the leaders of Magdeburg: with the help of their propaganda and the press they were able to bring along with them both the Council and the people of the city.
Their stance would remind one of the hold out of the Jews at the fort of Masada against the forces of Rome many centuries previously. No compromise in either case was possible.
[28] Brandt, 323 [29] Brandt, 329
Nikolaus von Amsdorf regarded his role in any conflict to warn of the danger of Catholicism returning to the City. He wrote a long tract denouncing the Mass, fasting, the ‘worship of saints’ and the Antichrist, and then explained the Lutheran doctrine of Justification. It is not surprising that the writing of Amsdorf and Alber started to feed the idea that ‘the end of the world was nigh’ and that the Judgement was soon to happen. In these perilous times Magdeburg stood alone in the world, the only beacon of faith and gospel purity: it was effectively the last bastion against the antichrist. They alone were true to the ‘old church’ the ones who were true to the Augsburg Confession against all the compromises of even those who wrote the Confession - now called the Phillipists after Phillip Melanchthon - and the Adiaphorists. The symbol of the Beast in the Book of Revelation fed into their world-view.
“ He who accepts the interim prays to the Beast and takes from the Beast the markings on his forehead and his hands and drinks from the cup of the Babylonian Whore. In summary he passes from the Christ to anti-Christ and from God to the devil’. [28]
All who accepted the Interim in any way therefore deserved to be thrown into the fiery pool of Revelation. Similarly, any who fought the worthy ‘Gnesio’ (genuine) Lutherans of Magdeburg would be guilty of sin against the Holy Ghost which in Scripture was the unpardonable sin. Faith and politics were now fused; religion and liberty were one and any idea of ecumenism was a complete impossibility. All right was on the side of the City which then would resist ‘Pope , Emperor, Interim, Prince, ban and siege and 'hyphenated Lutherans' secure in the knowledge that they defended God’s will’.[29]
Whatever of their theology and religious philosophy which one could examine for both for its orthodoxy or for exaggeration and even heresy, it did give them the strength to resist overwhelming odds for the full thirteen months of the siege. If nothing else shows the strength of character of the leaders of Magdeburg: with the help of their propaganda and the press they were able to bring along with them both the Council and the people of the city.
Their stance would remind one of the hold out of the Jews at the fort of Masada against the forces of Rome many centuries previously. No compromise in either case was possible.
[28] Brandt, 323 [29] Brandt, 329
the magdeburg confession 1550.
THe Magdeburg Confession first printed in English in 2012 with translation Matthew Trewhella
Before the siege of Magdeburg which commenced on September 1550, the Ministry published a tract which got the title the ‘Confession’. Its original title was ‘ Confession, Instruction and Warning of the Pastors and preachers of the Christian Churches of Magdeburg’. It was one of over 200 publications, tracts and pamphlets produced between 1548 and 1552. This whole work of propaganda earned the city the title ‘God’s Chancellery’.
The Confession argued for the resistance of lesser Magistrates to higher authority when the higher authority threatens to violate natural law or religious imperatives. The events at Magdeburg had an impact way beyond their local circumstances in the development of democratic philosophy. To those outside Magdeburg the resistance to Maurice of Saxony was an embryonic justification for a democratic revolution. The ideas had a wide reach across the Empire and were studied in Calvin's Geneva. Calvin wrote about the events on writings of Magdeburg and indeed sided with them against Wittenberg and Melanchthon. The ideas also spread to Scotland and the Scottish Assembly. John Knox, the Scottish Reformer, wrote’ that to resist ane tyrant, is not to resist God, not yit his ordinance” .[30] He too sided with the Magdeburgers. The Dutch too took notice and a Dutch pastor asked to receive that treatise which you promised us which treats the causes for which the inferior magistrates can take arms when the superior sleeps or tyrannizes’. He was undoubtedly referring to the Magdeburg Confession.
[30] Brandt p.343
The Confession argued for the resistance of lesser Magistrates to higher authority when the higher authority threatens to violate natural law or religious imperatives. The events at Magdeburg had an impact way beyond their local circumstances in the development of democratic philosophy. To those outside Magdeburg the resistance to Maurice of Saxony was an embryonic justification for a democratic revolution. The ideas had a wide reach across the Empire and were studied in Calvin's Geneva. Calvin wrote about the events on writings of Magdeburg and indeed sided with them against Wittenberg and Melanchthon. The ideas also spread to Scotland and the Scottish Assembly. John Knox, the Scottish Reformer, wrote’ that to resist ane tyrant, is not to resist God, not yit his ordinance” .[30] He too sided with the Magdeburgers. The Dutch too took notice and a Dutch pastor asked to receive that treatise which you promised us which treats the causes for which the inferior magistrates can take arms when the superior sleeps or tyrannizes’. He was undoubtedly referring to the Magdeburg Confession.
[30] Brandt p.343
christian resistance theory and the magdeburg confession
The Magdeburg Confession is a statement of Christian resistance theory. It contains seven chapters written over 100 pages. The opening six chapters are a shortened version of the Augsburg Confession. The subjects include God and the belief in the Trinity, the Creation and sin, law and good works, justification and the Gospels and the church all following similar sections in the Augsburg Confession. The final longer section is about secular and domestic governments and their justification and political powers. The Magdeburg confession looked initially to Luther who they saw as ‘God’s prophet’ or a 'third Elias’. When Luther’s life was in danger the Confession states God’s grace was given to several princes to compose ‘the Augsburg Confession’ which they called ‘an unfeigned confession of God’s truth'. Brandt is careful to suggest in spite of these ideas which were helpful in other constituencies in Europe that the theology of Magdeburg hardened under Amsdorf. Taking a very radical stance he regarded those Lutherans who followed the Interim as ‘ outside the forgiveness of sins and needing to be excommunicated’. To Amsdorf and his fellow ministers, to deny the Augsburg Confession would be the equivalent of denying Christ himself. [31] The authors of the Magdeburg Confession said anyone may read about the book which Dr Martin Luther wrote as a warning to his beloved Germans .[32] The authors claimed that the Interim had destroyed the doctrine of ‘Sola Fide’, the very cornerstone of the Augsburg Confession. The authors saw themselves as ‘pitiful remnants who had kept pure doctrine unspotted from the Pope’s annointings’. They praised the Lord Jesus Christ who stood at the Cross with them declaring that they would stand with him. Therefore, they had a mission, even though they were few in number.
[31]Brandt p.345 [32] This refers to Luther’s ‘Warning to his dear German people’ which was written in 1531. Luther’s Works American Edition Vol 47, pp.11-55 quoted in Brandt p.368
[31]Brandt p.345 [32] This refers to Luther’s ‘Warning to his dear German people’ which was written in 1531. Luther’s Works American Edition Vol 47, pp.11-55 quoted in Brandt p.368
They gave three reasons why they felt they needed to make this confession known and published:
- They wanted to review Christian doctrine and expose those who were unfaithful to true teaching, including the Pope, Interimists, Adiaphorists, Baptists and Sacramentalists.
- They wanted to show how lower Magistrates watch over these principles of Christian doctrine when higher authority opposed them. In such circumstances of idolatry, lesser authority is responsible to rebel against unjust domination.
- Finally the authors warned readers not to encourage Magdeburg’s enemies and not to fail to support the cause of Magdeburg and so risk peril and eternal doom.While the authors believed in the principle that Government was ‘of God’, they also believed that if it became ungodly and persecuted the righteous It was no longer an order of God but from the devil. Therefore it would be absurd to label lesser authorities as ‘rebellious’ for resisting such tyranny. In this way the Ministerium sought to legitimize the Council who had ruled as an outlaw government since the time of the ban of the Emperor in July 1547. The authors described the levels of injustice or levels of evil to the final level where armed resistance was necessary. Any ruler who persecuted subjects with weapons and who is not cognizant of either Divine law or human law should never be tolerated. Quoting Luther they wrote ‘ If a tyrant sinks so low … he is not only a werewolf but the devil himself’ .[33] Armed resistance is legitimate when the Gospel needs to be protected . Their wording was very clear and uncompromising:
[33]Magdeburg Confession Lvs. Kiii j-l quoted in Brandt p.346-7, 350
[34] Confession, Lv Tiii Scheibel , p.19. Brandt p. 372, 351
The writers finished their Confession with a reference to their local Patron Saint, Saint Maurice. He was the commander of the Legion of Thebans who decided to disobey an order of the Emperor Maximillian to persecute Christians and to force them to renounce their faith. Maurice paid the final price for his stand and, together with his ten thousand knights, suffered death. This evoked local pride as the Cathedral in Magdeburg was named after Saint Maurice. Their city had been chosen ‘by God’ they believed in order to preserve proper worship and liberties. Unlike the southern cities of Germany which had been willing to accept the Interim and had forgotten the heart of the gospel, Magdeburg had been named after a pure maid who was willing to risk body and soul to prevent ‘ spiritual whoredom’ and suppression by forces of a secular power.[35] Something that altered the course of development in Magdeburg was the death of Archbishop Albert in 1545. As he was the City Lord, his passing meant a freeing of the city from any feudal obligations. The break in the leadership of the Church also gave the city the opportunity to refuse any obligation to his successor. This refusal caused the new Archbishop John Albert to switch his headquarters to Moritzberg near Dresden, more than 200 kilometers south of Magdeburg. The City had had an Archbishop from 969AD. Magdeburg, the ‘third Rome’ was now, however going to be without a resident Catholic Bishop or Archbishop for over the next four hundred and forty nine years. This lasted until after the end of the East German State (GDR] and the election of Catholic Bishop Leopold Nowak (1994-1990) and Bishop Gerhardt Feige the present Bishop in 2005 [36].
[35] The symbol of Magdeburg is a Virgin carrying a wreath. No explanation is given in any known record of whom this virgin might in fact be. Was it perhaps the Virgin Mary? At the time of its beginning an naming and the beginning of the Holy Roman Empire, many cities across Europe received Christian names.
[36] Magdeburg was as a Diocese of ruled from Paderborn until 1994. At that time it was separated from Paderborn and restored by Pope John II as an autonomous suffragan diocese. It was dedicated to Saint Norbert of Xanten and two other saints, Saint Maurice and Benedictine Sister Saint Gertrude O.S.B of Helfta (1256-1302).
[35] The symbol of Magdeburg is a Virgin carrying a wreath. No explanation is given in any known record of whom this virgin might in fact be. Was it perhaps the Virgin Mary? At the time of its beginning an naming and the beginning of the Holy Roman Empire, many cities across Europe received Christian names.
[36] Magdeburg was as a Diocese of ruled from Paderborn until 1994. At that time it was separated from Paderborn and restored by Pope John II as an autonomous suffragan diocese. It was dedicated to Saint Norbert of Xanten and two other saints, Saint Maurice and Benedictine Sister Saint Gertrude O.S.B of Helfta (1256-1302).
Bishop Leopold Nowak (appointed 1990-Retired 2004) and Bishop Gerhardt Feige ( Appointed 2005)
The City steadfastly refused to accept Charles V ‘Interim’ in spite of the fact that Melanchthon saw it as a possible solution for the period before a church council. They had a cry of ‘ No surrender” very similar to the attitudes that dominated another part of the world that wished to ‘ Resist Popery’. For Northern Irish Unionist Protestants, their resistance to ‘ Rome rule’ was their guiding and dominant principle, a belief that continued in Ireland right up to the 1960’s era. The main belief in Magdeburg was also never to return to any type of Papal authority . This position was very far from Melanchthon and Luther and certainly did not reflect the irenic nature of the Augsburg Confession itself. They had always hoped for a Church Council even though, when it came, it could no longer heal the schism. The Magdeburgians on the other hand were convinced of their own righteousness and that they (alone) wished to retain the ‘ true, pure and saving word of God' which they saw from their own particlar perspective was in direct line with the Augsburg Confession. They saw themselves as the only inheritors of Lutheran theology and their belief in armed resistance did not depart from that faith and conviction.
All of these events in Magdeburg followed on from the Diet of Augsburg in 1530. To its writers, the Magdeburg Confession was a logical follow on to the Augsburg Confession itself, given the contingencies of the time. It gave them a legal and confessional standpoint to help them defend their territories in the light of any possible provocation by the Empire. It was as much as eighty years later after a period of relative calm when the forces of Tilly decided finally to defeat what it saw was the forces of heresy and, in the process create nearly insurmountable walls of division between the Catholic and Lutheran churches in Germany. We are still seventy years away from the terrible destruction of Magdeburg in the Magdeburgische Hochzeit of 1631, but it is not hard to see that the seeds of intolerance sown in this time.
All of these events in Magdeburg followed on from the Diet of Augsburg in 1530. To its writers, the Magdeburg Confession was a logical follow on to the Augsburg Confession itself, given the contingencies of the time. It gave them a legal and confessional standpoint to help them defend their territories in the light of any possible provocation by the Empire. It was as much as eighty years later after a period of relative calm when the forces of Tilly decided finally to defeat what it saw was the forces of heresy and, in the process create nearly insurmountable walls of division between the Catholic and Lutheran churches in Germany. We are still seventy years away from the terrible destruction of Magdeburg in the Magdeburgische Hochzeit of 1631, but it is not hard to see that the seeds of intolerance sown in this time.
Nikolaus von amsdorf and magdeburg
A reflection
The story of Magdeburg during the 16th and 17th centuries is both very troubling and challenging reading. It all takes place with a backdrop of questions of theology: what is the core message of the Gospel, how are men supposed to live and how is God to be worshipped in life and in Liturgy ? While the events of the Augsburg Confession in 1530 were largely theological, rational and intellectual – albeit in a challenging atmosphere of a potential schism of the Western Church- the events at Magdeburg have a different dimension and one of suffering, potential martyrdom, persecution, religious and cultural isolation, and a sense that the ‘end of all things was at hand’. The two sides at Augsburg were seeking to keep a whole society, faith and community intact and orthodox, while the many sides connected with the Reformation history of Magdeburg were seeking a path of survival after unity had already been shattered.
Nikolaus von Amsdorf 1483-1565
After reading their story would we consider the theologians - and particularly Amsdorf - as heroes and martyrs for the faith or perhaps extremists and even possibly heretics? It is quite hard to judge, whilst also admiring their undoubted bravery and zeal, and much too might depend on our own faith perspective or perhaps prejudice. The Catholic church at the time sadly regarded the whole of the Reformation and Luther its creator as heretical. Attitudes have changed since Vatican 2, and the view of the Reformation and Luther is much more nuanced and ecumenical. When the “non-church-dividing” [36] Augsburg Confession was read and not accepted at Augsburg, the first cracks in the schism became apparent. Twenty years later when the Reformation had been established in Magdeburg, the tares and shreds in the tapestry of Church unity were now on display everywhere . By this time, there was an amalgam of Lutheran groups in Germany, with the Gnesio-Lutherans of Magdeburg with von Amsdorf, and the Phillipists in Wittenburg with Phillip Melanchthon , the Adiaphorists, the Interimists of Leipzig, the Baptists and the Anabaptists of Thomas Müntzer, with the Calvinists and Sacramentalists to name a few. The church now was not just divided into two; it had lost all sense of unity. The words of Msgr. Ronald Knox to Evelyn Waugh would come to mind: this result is inevitable ‘once the principal of Catholic Unity is lost’. [37] Sadly, like in an acrimonious divorce, it would seem at this stage all were fighting, no longer just with the other Catholic side, but with each other in order to claim the mantle of the Reformation of Luther and the meaning and interpretation of the Augsburg Confession.
[36] In 1974 the Diocesan Ecumenical Commission of (the Diocese of) Munster declared that the’ CA advocates no church -dividing teachings and that it can be affirmed on the Catholic side as a witness to the faith of the Church universal.’ O’Duffy Una Sancta: Why are we still separated? Wipf and Stock Oregon 2025 p. 126
[37] Knox, Msgr Ronald Enthusiasm : A Chapter in the History of Religion. Oxford Clarendon Press, 1950 Introduction
[36] In 1974 the Diocesan Ecumenical Commission of (the Diocese of) Munster declared that the’ CA advocates no church -dividing teachings and that it can be affirmed on the Catholic side as a witness to the faith of the Church universal.’ O’Duffy Una Sancta: Why are we still separated? Wipf and Stock Oregon 2025 p. 126
[37] Knox, Msgr Ronald Enthusiasm : A Chapter in the History of Religion. Oxford Clarendon Press, 1950 Introduction
How might one assess the role of von amsdorf?
Amsdorf outlived his hero Martin Luther by eighteen years before his own death in 1565. During these years he sought to defend Luther’s teaching against those of the Reform who he thought had betrayed Lutheran theology. In some ways he was very like his mentor in that he was willing to stand alone for his principles even though he was in no way an intellectual match for Luther. As a ‘Lutheran fundamentalist’ he would regard himself to be even closer to the Theology of Luther than Melanchthon, the joint pioneer of the early Reform with Luther and writer of the foundational Lutheran document of the Augsburg Confession. He felt Melanchthon had emphasized the role of good works, the role of free will and that he maintained a constant desire to be reconciled with the Church of Rome. He felt the followers of Melanchthon were too close to the Medieval theology even to the point of introducing ‘Papist belief and practice ‘in Wittenberg itself. [38] Amsdorf viewed all these developments as examples of spiritual warfare, believing that the Church - and in particular Magdeburg itself - was a persecuted ‘remnant’. He saw the Roman church constantly seeking the destruction of the ‘small true church’ who only sought to be faithful to the Word of God. To him, interpretation of scripture was only given by the Holy Ghost and was not the prerogative of the Roman see, no matter who was the holder of the Petrine office. Anyone who would seek to interpret authoritatively the scriptures in such a way would to Amsdorf be ‘Antichrist’.
To Amsdorf the final battle with the Antichrist indeed had already begun and the Antichrist had managed to enter evangelical strongholds in Southern Germany such as Nuremberg and Straßbourg who were then led to compromise by the Imperial forces. Amsdorf saw enemies everywhere who had come as false prophets to wean believers away from Biblical faith by promises of ‘peace and security’ in the policies of the interim. There could be no compromise with such forces. [39]
[38] Kolb Robert Nicklaus von Amsdorf Champion of Martin Luther’s Reformation, Concordia, St Louis (2019) p.42
[39] Kolb, Amsdorf, 55.
[38] Kolb Robert Nicklaus von Amsdorf Champion of Martin Luther’s Reformation, Concordia, St Louis (2019) p.42
[39] Kolb, Amsdorf, 55.
Melanchthon's more irenic theology ?
Phillip Melanchthon (1497-1560)
Rhemaology.Com https://rhemalogy.com/2025/02/16/philip-melanchthon-wrote-lutheran-theology/
Melanchthon on the other hand could not understand why the theologians from Magdeburg could not accept the more irenic articles of the Confession such as Articles XV which stated:
‘Our churches teach that ceremonies ought to be observed that may be observed without sin. Also, ceremonies and practices that are profitable for for tranquility and good order of the Church ( in particular holy days, festivals and the like) ought to be observed. Yet, the people are taught that consciences are not be burdened as though observing such things are necessary for salvation.[40]
To Amsdorf, even though such principles were written in the Confession, they were in practice a reversal of the foundational principles of the Reformation. It is in this sense that we can perhaps see a schismatic side to Amsdorf; he would have nothing whatsoever to do with the wider church whereas the Augsburg Confession itself was hoping to come to a common understanding with the ancient church, while seeking its reform and renewal. Melanchthon himself stated in Article XX1 ‘as can be seen , there is nothing that varies from the Scriptures, or from the Church universal, or from the Church of Rome, as known from its writers.
[40] Melanchthon, Phillip. The Augsburg Confession Concordia Reader’s Edition. Concordia St Louis Article XV Church Ceremonies p.27. The commentary in the Version by Concordia in addition states ‘Lutheranism embraces the good historic traditions of the Church, especially those of the Western Church. These include such things as following the pattern of the Church year, lectionary readings from the Bible, a liturgical order of Worship, various festival days, vestments worn by the clergy, the use of candles, crucifixes and other objects. As this article makes clear in the Lutheran Church, rites, decorations or traditions were never used or followed to appease God’s wrath or to earn the forgiveness of sins.
‘Our churches teach that ceremonies ought to be observed that may be observed without sin. Also, ceremonies and practices that are profitable for for tranquility and good order of the Church ( in particular holy days, festivals and the like) ought to be observed. Yet, the people are taught that consciences are not be burdened as though observing such things are necessary for salvation.[40]
To Amsdorf, even though such principles were written in the Confession, they were in practice a reversal of the foundational principles of the Reformation. It is in this sense that we can perhaps see a schismatic side to Amsdorf; he would have nothing whatsoever to do with the wider church whereas the Augsburg Confession itself was hoping to come to a common understanding with the ancient church, while seeking its reform and renewal. Melanchthon himself stated in Article XX1 ‘as can be seen , there is nothing that varies from the Scriptures, or from the Church universal, or from the Church of Rome, as known from its writers.
[40] Melanchthon, Phillip. The Augsburg Confession Concordia Reader’s Edition. Concordia St Louis Article XV Church Ceremonies p.27. The commentary in the Version by Concordia in addition states ‘Lutheranism embraces the good historic traditions of the Church, especially those of the Western Church. These include such things as following the pattern of the Church year, lectionary readings from the Bible, a liturgical order of Worship, various festival days, vestments worn by the clergy, the use of candles, crucifixes and other objects. As this article makes clear in the Lutheran Church, rites, decorations or traditions were never used or followed to appease God’s wrath or to earn the forgiveness of sins.
COULD AMSDORF BE CONSIDERED ' CATHOLIC'?
It is hard to see thus how Amsdorf is ‘catholic’ in the broadest sense of the word. To Amsdorf, everything was viewed as monochrome and unconditional with no possible shades of grey or interpretation or compromise or acceptance of regional variations and traditions. While the AC attempted to be ‘catholic’ and universal’ Amsdorf, probably because of believing the end of all things was at hand, was narrow, dogmatic and combative, giving no room for compromise over what otherwise could be viewed as inconsequential matters. One could suggest that there is a large measure of intolerance in his writing and action which undoubtedly would have had a formative effect on the churches in Magdeburg. By adopting such extreme positions, it is easy to see how these internal struggles might develop into open conflict in the period to come and finally in the Magdeburgisch Hochzeit. On the contrary, Melanchthon had no peace in the division with the Catholic Church he could see occurring, and wrote of his frustration in his Apology in Article XII on Confession and Satisfaction. His writing shows him to be a ‘true son of the Church’ demonstrating the broken heart of a reformer and not the ire of a revolutionary who wished to overturn the religious establishment. [41] It was for this reason that during the 500th anniversary of his birth he was called the ‘Father of Ecumenism’. [42]
[41] O’Duffy Una Sancta, p.47-9 [42] O’Duffy, Una Sancta, p.48
[41] O’Duffy Una Sancta, p.47-9 [42] O’Duffy, Una Sancta, p.48
back to ronald knox....
Msgr Ronald Knox (1888-1957) Photo The Ronald Knox Society
Knox again in ‘Enthusiasm’ seems to capsulate what happens when the sense of Catholic unity is lost:
There is, I would say, a re-current situation in Church history-using the word 'church' in the widest sense-where an excess of charity threatens unity. You have a clique, an élite, of Christian men and (more importantly) women, who are trying to live a less worldly life than their neighbours; to be more attentive to the guidance (directly felt, they would tell you) of the Holy Spirit. More and more, by a kind of fatality, you see them draw apart from their co-religionists, a hive ready to swarm. There is provocation on both sides; on the one part, cheap jokes at the expense of over-godliness, acts of stupid repression by unsympathetic authorities; on the other, contempt of the half-Christian, ominous references to old wine and new bottles, to the kernel and the husk. Then, while you hold your breath and turn away your eyes in fear, the break comes; condemnation or secession, what difference does it make? A fresh name has been added to the list of Christianities.[43]
[43] Knox, Enthusiasm p.1
There is, I would say, a re-current situation in Church history-using the word 'church' in the widest sense-where an excess of charity threatens unity. You have a clique, an élite, of Christian men and (more importantly) women, who are trying to live a less worldly life than their neighbours; to be more attentive to the guidance (directly felt, they would tell you) of the Holy Spirit. More and more, by a kind of fatality, you see them draw apart from their co-religionists, a hive ready to swarm. There is provocation on both sides; on the one part, cheap jokes at the expense of over-godliness, acts of stupid repression by unsympathetic authorities; on the other, contempt of the half-Christian, ominous references to old wine and new bottles, to the kernel and the husk. Then, while you hold your breath and turn away your eyes in fear, the break comes; condemnation or secession, what difference does it make? A fresh name has been added to the list of Christianities.[43]
[43] Knox, Enthusiasm p.1
magdeburg: a place of healing for the church and the nations?
The sad thing about the theology of Amsdorf and the Magdeburg resistance is that it caused the hardening of hearts, not just to the Church, but to other Lutheran Christians. It helped in many ways to consolidate Lutheranism as a separate confession. When the Battle for Magdeburg happened a half century later, whatever hope there may have been of Christian reconciliation had completely disappeared in the conflagration that ensued.
It is for this reason that I will argue later that, on 2031 the 400th anniversary of its destruction during the 30years war, Magdeburg should become the primary place of repentance and healing for the sins of Christian disunity across the whole of the Western Church.
It is for this reason that I will argue later that, on 2031 the 400th anniversary of its destruction during the 30years war, Magdeburg should become the primary place of repentance and healing for the sins of Christian disunity across the whole of the Western Church.