the celebration in 1830
Every anniversary since its composition and the Diet of 1530, the Augsburg Confession has been celebrated. It became the standard bearer for the Lutheran Evangelical Faith, and at each of the 100year anniversaries since 1530, in 1630, 1730, 1830 and 1930 the day was duly marked in Augsburg by commerative acts. In the newspaper 'Die Neue Augsburger Zeitung' edition of June 26th 1860 the editor remarked that:
Augsburger Zeitung 26 June 1830 with article on Augsburg Confession on the left
' The Festival of the Augsburg Confession was ceremoniously begun today in all churches of the Protestant communities. The 'Sotteshausers' (Retirement homes?) were already decorated inside, appropriate pulpit lectures and songs were played to celebrate this rare festival and it was a blessing in all the churches. Evening: meal served. The spirit of love and unity was expressed everywhere, and everywhere there was the kind of silence and the peace of mind that befits the dignity of such a day. The dark times of persecution are over, the spirit of love, the first commandment of the founder of the Christian religion, is spreading more and more, which is clearly expressed in this occasional heat and calls us to increased gratitude against the pretext that the passing dark times of hatred and partisan spirit, the benevolent bonds of mutual trust of all religions = parts incessantly strengthened.'
The City had experienced relative peace since the Peace of Augsburg in 1555 where each ruler in the various German states could chose the religious affiliation of his domain. Imperial Cities like Augsburg however allowed both Catholic and Protestant Christians to practice their faith freely. As can be seen from the article above the day in 1830 was marked mainly by religious services in Protestant Churches together with celebratory meals. Experiences of persecution of Lutherans were no longer evident and a spirit of mutual charity seemed to exist across the community.
THE 1830 CENTENARY POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND
Alfred Gallen, in his book on the 'Centenaries of the Augsburg Confession' describes Germany in 1830 as being in a time of ferment, both politically and religiously. The end result he saw was a general confusion and a lack of clarity over the anniversary. The lack of focus continued up to an past the first General Synod of the (United) Evangelical Church in Berlin in 1846, before a revival took place in confessional Lutheranism later in the century. We will let Gallen take up the story.
the circumstances of the time: the push for unity
Evangelischer Oberkirchenrat Preußen Senior Church Council of the Evangelical Church of Prussia in Berlin.
"The Centenary Festival with the proclamation of the Confessio Augustana fell in a time in Germany which, in political, religious and religious terms, can only be described as a time of ferment in all areas. The images of the two past jubilee celebrations are given their characteristic color tone by a moment that is immediately recognizable: 1630 had the external pressure of war: 1730 was at the location of the festival on the border between two defined periods of development in German Protestantism. Such a spotlight that immediately characterizes the general situation is missing from the Augustana celebrations of 1830. The external political and internal religious conditions in Germany are so confused that in the struggle of the competing forces and aspirations, that no clearly defined structure appears to an observer anywhere.
The Holy Roman Empire of German origin was shattered. The Congress of Vienna had given Germany a completely new shape. But even if its country no longer looked as colorful on the outside as it had before, the conditions within the country meant that there was hardly any guarantee of permanence and a calm development in the forms created. After the wars of freedom, freed forces everywhere pushed for constitutional states, but the "insightful reaction" put a firm stop to this, particularly in Austria and Prussia. Even in the states of the Confederation of the Rhine, constitutional work remained limited to very modest limits. It was precisely in 1830 that the turnaround came: the revolutionary movement, spurred on by the French July Revolution, also began to spread gradually in Germany, even if it initially only brought a few states such as Rutenberg, Saxony and Brunswick a constitutional constitution. The development of modern state formation had begun.[1]
The picture of the church situation in Germany around 1830 shows a similar trend. After the fall or during the slow dying out of the Pietist and Enlightenment movements, the old Protestant forms for the religious area had disintegrated, and new ones had been created abroad. The open dialogue between Luther and the German Empire brought an end to the entry of German Protestantism as a whole, the Corpus Evangelicorum in Regensburg, which had long been the case. Thus, at the beginning of the 19th century, the need for unification was felt widely in the German churches, which, however, in keeping with the mood of the times, was not sought on a denominational basis; a broader base was desired. But both the "Holy Alliance" concluded in 1815, which, in addition to political goals, had also included the mutual recognition of the written churches on its program, and the Illuminati, who wanted to gather the spiritual aristocracy of all denominations, proved to be very temporal creations. Now that the realization of the merger of at least the several Protestant churches in the spirit of Protestantism was within reach, the plan was widely and enthusiastically received. Prussia, which had finally become the dominant power of German Protestantism through the Wars of Liberation, took the lead on the initiative of the king and proclaimed the union on the Reformation jubilee in 1817. Rhenish Bavaria, the Grand Duchy of Hesse, Electorate of Hesse, Baden, Waldeck, and Anhalt followed. But the unification work was not able to include the other German Lutheran regional churches, nor was anything more achieved than a "uniformity in the area of worship and the celebration of Holy Communion." It was again the anniversary year of the CA 1630 that [first] brought the decisive turning point, on both sides. The royal cabinet order of 1830, which demanded the commitment to the union expressed by the acceptance of the agenda, consolidated the community of the sister churches into a real [united] community by giving up the separate confession". [1] Gallen p.94
The Holy Roman Empire of German origin was shattered. The Congress of Vienna had given Germany a completely new shape. But even if its country no longer looked as colorful on the outside as it had before, the conditions within the country meant that there was hardly any guarantee of permanence and a calm development in the forms created. After the wars of freedom, freed forces everywhere pushed for constitutional states, but the "insightful reaction" put a firm stop to this, particularly in Austria and Prussia. Even in the states of the Confederation of the Rhine, constitutional work remained limited to very modest limits. It was precisely in 1830 that the turnaround came: the revolutionary movement, spurred on by the French July Revolution, also began to spread gradually in Germany, even if it initially only brought a few states such as Rutenberg, Saxony and Brunswick a constitutional constitution. The development of modern state formation had begun.[1]
The picture of the church situation in Germany around 1830 shows a similar trend. After the fall or during the slow dying out of the Pietist and Enlightenment movements, the old Protestant forms for the religious area had disintegrated, and new ones had been created abroad. The open dialogue between Luther and the German Empire brought an end to the entry of German Protestantism as a whole, the Corpus Evangelicorum in Regensburg, which had long been the case. Thus, at the beginning of the 19th century, the need for unification was felt widely in the German churches, which, however, in keeping with the mood of the times, was not sought on a denominational basis; a broader base was desired. But both the "Holy Alliance" concluded in 1815, which, in addition to political goals, had also included the mutual recognition of the written churches on its program, and the Illuminati, who wanted to gather the spiritual aristocracy of all denominations, proved to be very temporal creations. Now that the realization of the merger of at least the several Protestant churches in the spirit of Protestantism was within reach, the plan was widely and enthusiastically received. Prussia, which had finally become the dominant power of German Protestantism through the Wars of Liberation, took the lead on the initiative of the king and proclaimed the union on the Reformation jubilee in 1817. Rhenish Bavaria, the Grand Duchy of Hesse, Electorate of Hesse, Baden, Waldeck, and Anhalt followed. But the unification work was not able to include the other German Lutheran regional churches, nor was anything more achieved than a "uniformity in the area of worship and the celebration of Holy Communion." It was again the anniversary year of the CA 1630 that [first] brought the decisive turning point, on both sides. The royal cabinet order of 1830, which demanded the commitment to the union expressed by the acceptance of the agenda, consolidated the community of the sister churches into a real [united] community by giving up the separate confession". [1] Gallen p.94
the church union of 1846 and RESURGENCE OF lutheran confessionaliSM
Medal commemorating the General Synod of the Evangelical Church in Berlin in 1846
"After the national uprising of the German Empire, the princes' repeated attempts to abolish liberal state constitutions had also led to a reorganization of the Protestant faith. State ecclesiastical rule, in which ecclesiastical administration was merely a reflection of state power (even the church councils were not viable), was no longer in keeping with the times for many. Constitutionalism became the slogan for the establishment of a state and a church. While Bavaria, the Rhine Palatinate and Baden began the formation of presbyteries, clergy councils and general councils, Prussia also presented a draft of a presbyterial and synodal constitution for a constitution of clergy. However, the "relation" first began, particularly in Prussia, where the government was suspicious of anything that looked like liberalism, and soon again in the field of religion, to develop fully-developed religious organizations. But the desire to give the church an independent organization was present in many hearts. And now the introduction of the Union, which was implemented with state funds, and the treatment of the agenda based on the jus liturgien [1] of the sovereign, brought the friends of the constitution into opposition to the Union itself. At the same time, however, the movement that was pressing for the Church's liberation from state power suddenly found itself in alliance with the circles that, from a confessional point of view, were striving for the independence of the Church, which in the third centenary had progressed to the point of separation from the state church and the establishment of free churches...
For two decades, the discussions and struggles about justice and necessity, about the nature and standardization of the purification of the evangelical churches, extended beyond the time of the Berlin General Synod of 1846 and the first evangelical Church Congress, and, as is well known, led to the possibility of a reconciliation between 1862 and in 1853 the possibility of a dissolution of the Union. But this dissolution did in fact take place after 1880. The CA's jubilee celebrations were already overshadowed by these incipient battles, which, as we shall see, were reflected in the sermons, speeches and writings on the occasion of the festival. Finally, and thirdly, was the movement of resurgent Lutheran confessionalism, which was significant for the centenary celebrations of 1830. At the turn of the century, the confessional character of religiosity in German Protestantism had almost been destroyed by the ‘faithless’ rationalism. The Reformation anniversary of 1817 brought the Union the "magna carta’ of evangelical unity in the spirit of evangelical freedom". Almost everywhere, not only Lutherans and Reformed Christians were part of the "brotherly association"; Catholic bells also rang it in in most places, and even the Israelites took part in the processions and collections for the poor."
[1] Liturgical Law
For two decades, the discussions and struggles about justice and necessity, about the nature and standardization of the purification of the evangelical churches, extended beyond the time of the Berlin General Synod of 1846 and the first evangelical Church Congress, and, as is well known, led to the possibility of a reconciliation between 1862 and in 1853 the possibility of a dissolution of the Union. But this dissolution did in fact take place after 1880. The CA's jubilee celebrations were already overshadowed by these incipient battles, which, as we shall see, were reflected in the sermons, speeches and writings on the occasion of the festival. Finally, and thirdly, was the movement of resurgent Lutheran confessionalism, which was significant for the centenary celebrations of 1830. At the turn of the century, the confessional character of religiosity in German Protestantism had almost been destroyed by the ‘faithless’ rationalism. The Reformation anniversary of 1817 brought the Union the "magna carta’ of evangelical unity in the spirit of evangelical freedom". Almost everywhere, not only Lutherans and Reformed Christians were part of the "brotherly association"; Catholic bells also rang it in in most places, and even the Israelites took part in the processions and collections for the poor."
[1] Liturgical Law
the 1830 celebration in festival sermons, speeches and testimonies
One couold describe the actual celebrations of the CA in 1830 as being much more muted than those of the previous centuries. In spite of efforts towards unity, the German Protestant Church was still deeply divided. While the title of the church became known as 'Evangelical' instead of 'Reformed' or 'Lutheran' , this only masked a deeply disunity. The Festivals themselves were described as a 'Festival of Reconciliation of Religions' or as a 'Festival of Intellectual Freedom' or a 'Day of Sanctification' with the CA being a symbol of the 'spirit of light and liberating truth' . It therefore was no wonder that the Citizens of Wittenberg decided to introduce the Enlightenment ' in female form, floating freely . borne aloft by the Wings of a Prussian Eagle, while in Augsburg the CA was viewed as the 'jewel of intellectual freedom' with banners saying 'Vivat: Long live the King.
Book of Sermons from 1830 called' Witness to the Truth by the State Pastor in Nurtingen
the types of sermons of 1830: CONFESSIONAL, RATIONAL AND TOWARDS UNITY
Johann Wilhelm Rautenberg ( 1791-1865) Lutheran Theologian in Hamburg
Gallen takes a look at individual sermsn and begins with a Lutheran Confessional one:
'We will highlight ... festival sermons and first mention the one by Rautenberg, perhaps the most important preacher of his time at the instigation of the Hamburg foundation, from whom, as is well known, he received the support of the foundation of the Rauhe Haus. In his very readable book "Hamburgs Evangelische Jubelfreude” [1] held on the 3rd . Secularfestival of the CA" Diaconus Kunhardt has given excerpts from 23 festival sermons held in Hamburg; the 12th is the one from Rautenberg. It deals with the text John 18 8.37: He who is of the truth hears my voice in the following appealing position: Our Confession of faith is a testimony of the truth: 1. its firm foundation; 2. its decisive weight; 3. its binding bond (!)" Rautenberg explains the importance of pure Lutheran doctrine very seriously and defends the position of the binding validity of the confession with all his might.[2]
"Like the signature of the Augsburg Confessors, our confession and acceptance of the confession has had great solemn power up to this hour. It binds kings, princes and authorities, bishops, preachers and teachers of the divine word and also all members of the church with a high, precious oath. This binding power cannot be overlooked:"
The sermon by D. Heubner in Wittenberg on 1 Peter 1 v. 25 emphasizes the "unchanging value of the confession of our church" just as firmly: "The word of the Lord endures forever. But this is the word that was preached among you." It begins:
"We do not celebrate joyfully because thousands have fallen away from the confession." But the memory of the confessors of Augsburg should awaken us to faith and confession. "The spirit of the confession was the spirit of pious, conscientious seriousness that urged them to confess the truth. "But they were only concerned about the salvation of their souls."
[1] Hamburg’s Evangelical Festival Joy [2] Gallen p.111
'We will highlight ... festival sermons and first mention the one by Rautenberg, perhaps the most important preacher of his time at the instigation of the Hamburg foundation, from whom, as is well known, he received the support of the foundation of the Rauhe Haus. In his very readable book "Hamburgs Evangelische Jubelfreude” [1] held on the 3rd . Secularfestival of the CA" Diaconus Kunhardt has given excerpts from 23 festival sermons held in Hamburg; the 12th is the one from Rautenberg. It deals with the text John 18 8.37: He who is of the truth hears my voice in the following appealing position: Our Confession of faith is a testimony of the truth: 1. its firm foundation; 2. its decisive weight; 3. its binding bond (!)" Rautenberg explains the importance of pure Lutheran doctrine very seriously and defends the position of the binding validity of the confession with all his might.[2]
"Like the signature of the Augsburg Confessors, our confession and acceptance of the confession has had great solemn power up to this hour. It binds kings, princes and authorities, bishops, preachers and teachers of the divine word and also all members of the church with a high, precious oath. This binding power cannot be overlooked:"
The sermon by D. Heubner in Wittenberg on 1 Peter 1 v. 25 emphasizes the "unchanging value of the confession of our church" just as firmly: "The word of the Lord endures forever. But this is the word that was preached among you." It begins:
"We do not celebrate joyfully because thousands have fallen away from the confession." But the memory of the confessors of Augsburg should awaken us to faith and confession. "The spirit of the confession was the spirit of pious, conscientious seriousness that urged them to confess the truth. "But they were only concerned about the salvation of their souls."
[1] Hamburg’s Evangelical Festival Joy [2] Gallen p.111
PASTOR CLAUS HARMS IN KIEL A CONFESSIONAL LUTHERAN
A biography of Pastor Claus Harms (1778-1855) of Kiel
Pastor Claus Harms of Kiel adopts a much more polemical view of the Confession seeing it as a bulwark against all false teaching and against the Church of Rome. Gallen describes his work and preaching:
"Harms had chosen the above-mentioned text Matthew 10, verse 32 because in 1530 Elector John of Saxony had a sermon preached on this Bible passage before his departure for Augsburg. Harms' topic was simple: "What is the CA?"
"The CA is the foundation stone of the Lutheran Church, the dividing wall between it and the papal church, the threshing floor on its own threshing floor, a thorn in the side of the false brothers, the apple of the eye of all orthodox believers, their shield of faith, on which all fiery arrows are extinguished, the shooting sanctuary: as long as we keep this confession, we will never have any trouble."
In view of the circumstances of the jubilee celebrations of 1830, we are particularly interested in the third point.
"In our time, the CA serves us less and is less necessary against the papal church than to keep ourselves pure from those who live among us as Lutherans and write books, hold professorships, stand in the pulpit,... Lutheran clergy who have also sworn an oath that they want to do everything according to the CA, and yet do not do it, but completely contrary to the CA and its promise." [1]
And now follows the already quoted quotation from Cyprian's 1730 prophecy, after which Harms continues:
"You who teach differently from the CA by word or writing, you are not teachers, but perverters, not leaders, but seducers, not shepherds, but wolves... just as we cannot understand that you, bound by an oath to the CA, can teach contrary to it and yet remain calm, which at least you seem to be, without showing the slightest fear, whether you also "We call them use the CA as a shovel to clean the Lutheran Church's own sanctuary."
Harms very cleverly leads from here to section 4:
"However, this use is not only popular with Rome - it is clever - and so the CA is a thorn in the side... Hence the great desire to abolish it." "No symbolic books, absolutely no symbols!" has been a loud cry for years. Yes, this was publicly expressed among the wishes for the Jubilee Festival."
He finishes his account with the following:
"The CA protects us from the worldly power, from the spiritual power, from the scholars. Let them research critically, consider philosophically, investigate metaphysically; only let the church remain unconfused with that which runs counter to the CA!... No, we are not betrayed and sold to the scholars. No new faith will emerge from the academic lecture halls, nor should it, nor can it, as long as we hold on to the CA.... How could the teachers in churches and schools be a threat to us as long as we preserve the CA"! [1] Gallen p.112
"Harms had chosen the above-mentioned text Matthew 10, verse 32 because in 1530 Elector John of Saxony had a sermon preached on this Bible passage before his departure for Augsburg. Harms' topic was simple: "What is the CA?"
"The CA is the foundation stone of the Lutheran Church, the dividing wall between it and the papal church, the threshing floor on its own threshing floor, a thorn in the side of the false brothers, the apple of the eye of all orthodox believers, their shield of faith, on which all fiery arrows are extinguished, the shooting sanctuary: as long as we keep this confession, we will never have any trouble."
In view of the circumstances of the jubilee celebrations of 1830, we are particularly interested in the third point.
"In our time, the CA serves us less and is less necessary against the papal church than to keep ourselves pure from those who live among us as Lutherans and write books, hold professorships, stand in the pulpit,... Lutheran clergy who have also sworn an oath that they want to do everything according to the CA, and yet do not do it, but completely contrary to the CA and its promise." [1]
And now follows the already quoted quotation from Cyprian's 1730 prophecy, after which Harms continues:
"You who teach differently from the CA by word or writing, you are not teachers, but perverters, not leaders, but seducers, not shepherds, but wolves... just as we cannot understand that you, bound by an oath to the CA, can teach contrary to it and yet remain calm, which at least you seem to be, without showing the slightest fear, whether you also "We call them use the CA as a shovel to clean the Lutheran Church's own sanctuary."
Harms very cleverly leads from here to section 4:
"However, this use is not only popular with Rome - it is clever - and so the CA is a thorn in the side... Hence the great desire to abolish it." "No symbolic books, absolutely no symbols!" has been a loud cry for years. Yes, this was publicly expressed among the wishes for the Jubilee Festival."
He finishes his account with the following:
"The CA protects us from the worldly power, from the spiritual power, from the scholars. Let them research critically, consider philosophically, investigate metaphysically; only let the church remain unconfused with that which runs counter to the CA!... No, we are not betrayed and sold to the scholars. No new faith will emerge from the academic lecture halls, nor should it, nor can it, as long as we hold on to the CA.... How could the teachers in churches and schools be a threat to us as long as we preserve the CA"! [1] Gallen p.112
rationalist sermons of 1830
Christoph Friedrich Von Ammon (1776-1850) Rationalist Theologian
Gallen continues to explain the Rational type sermons of the period:
'We turn to the rationalist-oriented type of festival sermon from 1830.
For him [the rationalist theologian] there is actually only one theme for the anniversary of the CA: "Christian religious freedom"... What is meant, of course, is freedom from the "literal service" and "servility" of a piety bound by scripture and confession. In the protest against every religious authority, the Weimar pastor Anger recognizes "the core of the Evangelical Christian confession" and simply takes the theme "The Free Church" from the text 2 Corinthians 3, verse 17. He begins: "Praise be to you, spirit of light and liberating truth!" and concludes in the hope of the final unification of the previously separated religious parties (!) with the words: "Happy century of our church association (!), into which we will enter when this spirit in it is revived and spreads anew"! Chief court preacher D. von Ammon praises "the blessed fruits that the victorious church improvement has brought for the Christian community" and describes such fruits in the three parts of his sermon: "freedom of conscience and tolerance, refinement of civil and public life, preparation for religious harmony of all enlightened and Christian minds"[1]. Lisco in Berlin praises in his jubilee highly" and chosen: God preaches the CA as the "glorious document, how the divine value at that time overcame the doubts of reason (!) so that it no longer "obliges" to do anything else. as under ... Pastor Schläger in which the light shines out of the darkness. Hamelin had chosen the text 2 Corinthians 4 and celebrated the "spirit of the CA", which expresses itself in the tireless striving for an ever brighter light for faith". He simply and emphatically:
"Always on! That is the motto! Against all odds, the king's sovereign and the entire court and all the professors at the University of Berlin, whom he often personally met with worthy men, he gave an exceedingly superficial sermon in which the nice saying can be found: "Far from ascribing a binding reputation to the glorious Be, we join in with it in its essential content"... as those who must combat every kind of darkness and fanaticism"[1] Gallen p.114
'We turn to the rationalist-oriented type of festival sermon from 1830.
For him [the rationalist theologian] there is actually only one theme for the anniversary of the CA: "Christian religious freedom"... What is meant, of course, is freedom from the "literal service" and "servility" of a piety bound by scripture and confession. In the protest against every religious authority, the Weimar pastor Anger recognizes "the core of the Evangelical Christian confession" and simply takes the theme "The Free Church" from the text 2 Corinthians 3, verse 17. He begins: "Praise be to you, spirit of light and liberating truth!" and concludes in the hope of the final unification of the previously separated religious parties (!) with the words: "Happy century of our church association (!), into which we will enter when this spirit in it is revived and spreads anew"! Chief court preacher D. von Ammon praises "the blessed fruits that the victorious church improvement has brought for the Christian community" and describes such fruits in the three parts of his sermon: "freedom of conscience and tolerance, refinement of civil and public life, preparation for religious harmony of all enlightened and Christian minds"[1]. Lisco in Berlin praises in his jubilee highly" and chosen: God preaches the CA as the "glorious document, how the divine value at that time overcame the doubts of reason (!) so that it no longer "obliges" to do anything else. as under ... Pastor Schläger in which the light shines out of the darkness. Hamelin had chosen the text 2 Corinthians 4 and celebrated the "spirit of the CA", which expresses itself in the tireless striving for an ever brighter light for faith". He simply and emphatically:
"Always on! That is the motto! Against all odds, the king's sovereign and the entire court and all the professors at the University of Berlin, whom he often personally met with worthy men, he gave an exceedingly superficial sermon in which the nice saying can be found: "Far from ascribing a binding reputation to the glorious Be, we join in with it in its essential content"... as those who must combat every kind of darkness and fanaticism"[1] Gallen p.114
the sermons of the reformed seeking reunion of all the churches including the catholic church!
Gallen sees the Unionist Theologians of the era as making church reunion the central guide for the 1830 sermons. He writes:
... We have to mention a third type of festival sermon from 1830, the consciously and decidedly unionist one. If the tones of a hymn to the unification of the two Protestant churches were already heard in many decidedly rationalist festival sermons, a whole series of preachers used the opportunity of the CA's secular sermons to appeal to their congregations for union, often "by virtue of a high decree", and even took "the promotion of the work of the union" as the theme of their festival sermon. Superintendent D. Hoppe in Eisleben preached from the Luther pulpit of the Market Church about "the third jubilee celebration... as an urgent call for the unification of the separated Protestant congregations". He stated:
"We owe this unification 1. to the honor of the reformers themselves, 2. to our brothers in faith who are separated from us, 3. to our one master Christ".
The preachers of the Petri-Paul Church and D. Lindemann at St. Nikolai in Eisleben were similar. The festival sermon of the Lutheran superintendent Großmann, known as the founder of the Gustav Adolf Society, at the Thomas Church in Leipzig puts the three jubilees of the CA side by side and describes the first as "that of the religious war", the second as "that under the rule of a spiritless orthodoxy and unfortunate strife with the sister church", and the one from 1830 as "that of the long-awaited union with our reformed brothers"... The fact that the Reformed clergy were particularly concerned with promoting the Union on the occasion of the jubilee festival of 1830 should not surprise us, given the attitude of the German Reformed Church towards this issue from the very beginning and especially at the beginning of the 19th century"...
The Saxon Reformed preachers Girardet in Dresden and Blaß in in Leipzig were hopeful that the age might lead to greater unity - even with the Catholic Church and community.
"The Swiss Protestants saw themselves excluded from the union of their evangelical brothers on that occasion and their first confession was also rejected by the Emperor" ... and this event "was an invitation to them to assert the name and rights of an independent church for their religious community" ... then the time had come to celebrate a joint jubilee of our churches and to extend a brotherly hand to one another, as was the case in 1817". The sermon then particularly emphasizes "that adherence to the letter is in contradiction with our (!) confessions themselves". The well-known passages from the CA and the preface to the Formula of Concord are cited as evidence of this, but no evidence from a Reformed confessional document can be found there. Blaß's festival sermon deals with the topic:
"To what extent should the memory of the CA be important and encouraging to us Reformed people?" The answer is: "As we look back on our former separation, we are now all the more aware of reconciliation and unity with lively joy." "Now we find ourselves completely reconciled." It is to be hoped that the time will come when our Catholic brothers will also offer us their hand in peace.[1] The present generation will hardly live to see it; but that time will come." He concludes: "May one day, after the expiration of a century, in 1930, all the written churches hold a great festival of reconciliation!"
[1] Gallen p.117
1830 Commemorative Coin to celebrate the 300th anniversary of the Augsburg Confession